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SIMPLIFIED GRAMMAR

OF THE

LI LANGUAGE

•

A

SIMPLIFIED GKAMMAE

PALI LANGUAGE.

B. MULLER, Ph.D.

Sole Agents

BHARATIYA VIDYA PR AK ASH AN
P. O. Box No. 108 Kachauri Gali

VARANASI (INDIA)

Published by :
Sharad Publications,

Assi, Varanasi.

Price Rs. 10/-

Printed by :

Skylark Printers (Offset)
DELHI.6.

TO

REINHOLD ROST, LL.D, Ph.D.

THESE PAGES ARE INSCRIBED
A TOKEN OE SINCERE GKATITUDE AND FRIENDSHIP.

PBEFACE.

In sending the present essay of a Pali Grammar to the
press, I feel bound to say a few words of explanation as to
the plan I have followed. First of all, I must state that it
was not my intention to give a complete Grammar of the
P&li Language, as this can only be done when all the prin-
cipal books of the Buddhist Canon will have been pub-
lished ; nor was it my intention to write a Comparative
Grammar of Indian vernaculars, as for this purpose the
space granted to me would have been too small. I only
intended to help the students of Buddhistical literature,
by collecting the idiomatical peculiarities of the sacred
language, comparing it chiefly to Sanskrit, and in a few
cases also to the other Indian vernaculars. As the publi-
cation of Pali texts has taken so wide dimensions during
the last ten years, I thought it would not be out of place
to consider and work out the new materials that have come
into our possession through these books, mostly unknown
to Childers and the others who made Pali Grammar an
object of their studies. Even E. Kuhn, whose " Bcitrage
zur P&li Grammatik" have been of great help to me, and
whose plan I followed almost throughout my book, only

Vlii PREFACE.

worked from a comparatively small number of texts, and
just the oldest and most interesting, like Vinaya and
Jataka, were all but unknown to him.

It would be rather out of place in an elementary Gram-
mar to enter into a long discussion about the age and
origin of the Pali language. A few words on the subject
will be sufficient : Kuhn, following Westergaard, holds
Pali to be the vernacular of Ujjein, the capital of Malava at
the time when Mahinda, the son of Asoka, took the sacred
Canon with him to Ceylon (Beitrage, p. 7). On the other
hand, Oldenberg, rejecting that tradition, considers Pali to
be the original language of the Kalinga country (Vinaya-
pitaka, Introduction, p. liv). He compares the language
of the large inscription at Khandagiri (Cunningham,
Corpus Inscriptionum, i. 98), and finds only very little
difference between this and the Pali. From this he con-
cludes that, there must have been, about a hundred and
fifty years before Mahinda, a frequent intercourse between
Kalinga and the island ; in fact, that the religion, together
with its language, was brought over from there to Ceylon.
I had myself formed a similar idea, independently from
Oldenberg, by a careful examination of the first settlements
of the Gangetic tribes in Ceylon (see my Report II. to the
Government of Ceylon, reprinted Ind. Ant. IX. 9) ; and,
recently, Mr. Nevill, in the Journal of the Ceylon Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society, has pointed out that the
ancient civilized and populous district of Ceylon, the so-

PREFACE. ix

called Kalawa, is not to be looked for at the south coast
near Galle, as most people believe, but in the north-
western district of the island, which is now almost a
desert. We therefore all agree that the Aryan immigrants
did not come by sea from Bengal, in which case, they would
have landed somewhere at the east or south coast, but
that they crossed over from some port in Southern India ;
and, under these circumstances, it is not at all unlikely
that the point from which they started may have been the
kingdom of Kalinga. To the person of Mahinda we need
not attach much importance from a chronological point of
view, perhaps not more than to the person of Vijaya, the
first Gangetic immigrant in Ceylon according to tradition.

About the age of the Pali language it is even more dif-
ficult to form a certain opinion than about its native
country. The late R. 0. Childers, in the Preface to his
Dictionary, p. ix., attributed a very high antiquity to it,
with especial reference to an inscription on the Sthupa of
Bharhut, which contains a quotation from Cullavagga, vi. 4.
This argument, however, is not conclusive, as already
P. Goldschmidt pointed out in the Journal of the Ceylon
Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1879. It was gene-
rally expected that we would get some help from the Ceylon
inscriptions for fixing the age of the Pali language, but
unfortunately this expectation has not been fulfilled, as all
those inscriptions from which we might derive an argu-
ment are not sufficiently dated. Real Pali inscriptions

PREFACE.

have not been found in Ceylon — not more than in Cam-
bodia. Those that approach nearest are almost identical
in their language with the above mentioned Khandagiri
inscription. There is, for instance, the one at Kirinde
(No. 57 of my Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon), which, for
palrcographical reasons, I have assigned to the first or
second century a.d., about the time when, according to
tradition, the doctrines of Buddhism were first reduced to
writing in Pali. The language of this inscription agrees
in many points with Pali, but it is too short, and the date
is too uncertain that I could follow Goldschmidt, who felt
inclined to make use of it for fixing the age of the sacred
language. Neither can I agree with Kern, who holds Pali
to be an artificial language altogether. It is certain that
some considerable time must have elapsed before the Pali
recension of the Canon was completed, and that through
the continguity of cognate vernaculars, like the Magadhi,
a number of words and forms found their way into Pali
which originally did not belong to it : in this way the so-
called Magadhisms, which Kern induces to prove the arti-
ficial character of the language, are easily explained. In
spite of these, Pali conserved a certain purity during the
whole middle age, and even late texts like the Dathavamsa
and Attanagaluvamsa (thirteenth century), although they
introduce a large number of compounds after the Samscritic
fashion, are comparatively free from dialectic peculiarities.
Not before the time when the second part of the Maha-

PBEFACE.

vamsa was composed we find a wholesale import of Sin-
halisms into the language, scarcely disguised by Pali ter-
minations, as, e.g., mahalano, ' Chief Secretary/ translated
back from the Sinhalese mahalaenan.

I have only occasionally attempted in this book to dis-
tinguish between the different periods of the language.
When the student will have overcome the first difficulties,
he will find all the necessary information on this subject in
Fausboll's Introduction to "Ten J&takas" and Trenekner's
" Pali Miscellany." I may say here so much, that on the
whole the forms of the Sinhalese MSS. are older and more
genuine, while the Burmese often replace them by more
modern, more common, or more regular ones. I reserve
for another occasion the interesting task to prove this by
comparing a certain number of MSS., especially of gram-
matical texts.

Another part of the Grammar, which is totally wanting
in my essay, is the Syntax; but here I hope that the classi-
cal languages, with which no doubt nearly all my readers
are acquainted, will fill up the gap. Sanskrit, so to say,
has no Syntax at all, but expresses all the relations in a
sentence merely by compounds. This way, however, was
given up at an early date by the Indian vernaculars, and a
form of construction was introduced which bears a close
resemblance to the Syntax of the classical languages.
Under these circumstances, I have thought it best, as I had
no space to give a complete Syntax to add at the end

xii

PREFACE.

the Grammar a short Jataka, with an analysis that might
help the student to understand the Pali construction.

The texts I principally took my examples from are the
historical books Dipavamsa and first part of the Maha-
vamsa, for which I compared the new edition published by
Sumangala and Batuwantudawa in 1880 ; besides the
Vinaya, the three published volumes of the Jataka, the
Milindapanha, and the first year's publications of the Pali
Text Society, including Anguttara Nikaya, Buddhavamsa
and Cariyapitaka. The second year's publications reached
me when the book was already in the press, but I availed
myself of the opportunity to mention some particularly
interesting forms from Thera- andThengatha and Khudda-
sikkha. Of Fausboll's Sutta Nipata I could use for the
Grammar only the stanzas given in the foot-notes of his
translation (" Sacred Books," vol. xiii) : the edition of the
text came into my hands when I had very nearly done.

E. MULLET? .

Cardiff. June, 1884.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

§ 1. The Alphabet 1

§ 2. Peon unci ation . . . . .... 2

§ 3. Vowels ...... 4

§ 4. Change op Vowels . . . . . . 5

§ 5. Change of Quantity . . . . . 13

§ 6. Nasal Vowels . . . . . . 20

§ 7. Vowels Added oe Deopped . . .23

§ 8. Consonants . . . . . . . 24

§ 9. Genebal Kemaeks befebeing to Consonants

of dlffebent classes . . .35
§ 10. Consonants Added oe Deopped ... 40
§ 11. Change of Consonants at the end of a

woed . . . . . ■ . . .43

§ 12. Compound Consonants 46

§ 13. Rules on Sandhi 59

§ 14. Declension . . 64

§ 15. compaeison of adjectives . . . .85

§ 16. Peonominal Inflexion 86

§ 17. Numeeals .91

§ 18. Conjugation . . . . . . 95

Valahassajataka ........ 128

( xv )

AB BEE VI ATIONS.

The abbreviations are the same as in Childers' Dictionary,
and besides the following new ones : —

Ang. = Anguttara Nikaya ed. Morris.
Ass. S. =. Assalayanasutta ed. PischeL
Beitr. == Beitrage zur vergleichenden sprachforschung

herausgeg. von Bezzenberger.
Bv. = Buddhavamsa ed. Morris.
C. = Cullavagga ed. Oldenberg.
Cariy. = Cariyapitaka ed. Morris.
Dath. = Dathavamsa ed. Cumara Swami.
Dhm. = Dhatumanjusa ed. Batuwantudawe.
Dip. — Dipavamsa ed. Oldenberg,
Gr. = Sept Suttas Palis ed. Grimblot.
Hem. = Hemacandra ed. Pischel.
It. = Itivuttaka.

I. O. C. = India Office Catalogue.

K. Z. = Kuhn's Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprach-
forschung.
M. = Mahavagga ed. Oldenberg.
M. N. = Majjhima Nikaya.
Naigh. = Naighantuka.
P. M. = Pali Miscellany, by Trenckner.
Paiyal. = Paiyalacchi ed. Biihler.

Bup. = Das sechste Kapitel der Bupasiddhi heraus-

gegeben von G-riiwedel.
Saddhamuiop. = Saddhammopayana ed. Batuwantudawe.

( xvi )

S. N. = Sutta Nipata ed. Fausboll.

Samanta Pas. or S. P. = 1 introduction to the Samanta Pasadika

in the third vol. of Oldenberg's Vinaya.
Suttavibh. = Suttavibhanga ed. Oldenberg.
Vinaya Texts = Vols. xiii. and xvii. of Max M tiller's Sacred

Books.

CORKIGENDA.

P. 24, line 10 from top : Vegha is, as Dr. Morris tells me, a
mistake for vekha = veshka, ' leathern strap.'

P. 25, line 3 from bottom : A verb ussati does not exist. The
correct reading is naasati.

P. 112, line 5 from top : The ending u belongs to the third
person plural.

PALI GRAMMAR.

§ 1. The Alphabet.

There are three Alphabets in which Pali manuscripts are
written — the Sinhalese, the Burmese and the Kambodian.
They all are derived from the Acoka Alphabet used in the
ancient inscriptions of India, but represent a more current
and an easier style of writing. The Devanagari Alphabet,
which was used by Spiegel in editing his Anecdota Palica, is
never found in Pali manuscripts. We shall, however, for
the convenience of those who have studied Samskrit, in the
following table give the Devanagari letters corresponding to
the Sinhalese characters. Since Fausboll's edition of the
Dhammapada, published in 1855, nearly all editors of Pali
books in Europe have made use of the Roman character, as
being easier to learn and less tiring to the eye. Unfortunately,
a uniform way of transcription has not yet been arrived at
in Pali, any more than in Samskrit ; but the method followed
by Fausboll and Childers is now almost generally adopted,
and shall also be used in this book.

I. Vowels.

a = a == ^T. i = 5. i as ' u = 7 u = m
e = o = wt.

B

2

PALI GBAMMAR.

II. C0NS0NANT8.

1. Gutturals. — k= "5fr. kh = g = *T. gh = TT,

n =

2. Palatals. — c = ^r. ch = "55. j = if. jh =

n = sr.

3. Cerebrals. — t = th = 3. d = db=*.

n =

4. Dentals. — t = W. th = ^1. d = ^. dh = V.

n = ?T.

5. Labials. — p = XT ph = TR. b = ^r. bh =

m = IT,

6. Liquids. — y = T?. r = T. 1 = <5. v = ^.

7. Sibilants. — a = *C. h = ^. 1 = 35 (Vedic).

Besides, there is the niggahita, corresponding to the Sarnskrit
anusvara, and marked by a small circle in the middle of the
line. It is always used at the end of words, and in the
middle before a sibilant. Before another consonant the nasal
of the corresponding class may be used instead.

§ 2. Pronunciation.

The Pronunciation is, on the whole, the same as in Samskrit.
The vowels a, i, u are short, the others are long : e and 0 are
only long when they stand in an open syllable, viz., before a
single consonant. When they stand before two consonants
they are pronounced short, but are long metri causa.

PRONUNCIATION.

3

The aspirates are pronounced like the corresponding surds
with the addition of an h. Therefore th does not correspond
to the English th, but rather to the German in Thun, That.
Ch has the same pronunciation as the simple c = English ch
in child.

It is very difficult for a European to pronounce the cerebrals
or Unguals correctly. In India and Ceylon the natives almost
constantly express our dentals by their cerebrals in words
taken over from our language. It seems, therefore, that our
dentals agree more with their linguals in pronunciation than
with their dentals. I have, however, not been able to mark
in the spoken language any difference between the pro-
nunciation of the dentals and of the cerebrals.

The nasals are pronounced according to the class to which
they belong. The guttural nasal never occurs alone, but is
always followed by an explosive of its class ; it sounds like
English ng or nk respectively. The palatal nasal sometimes
occurs doubled when an assimilation has taken place (nn),
and then it has the sound of the Spanish & in dona, or of
the French gn in campagne. The dental nasal is exactly
pronounced like ny and the labial like nu

The niggahita, or nasal breathing at the end of the word, is
pronounced in Ceylon almost with the same force as a guttural
nasal = English ng in king. Before other consonants it is only
a representative of the nasal of the corresponding class, and is
pronounced accordingly.

Compound consonants are almost regularly assimilated in
Pali. "We therefore do not require a table of the combinations
of consonants similar to that which exists in the Devanagari
Alphabet. The rules according to which the assimilation takeB
place will be given in a special chapter, and the few groups

4

pali Grammar.

of compound consonants that still exist in Pali will be added
as an appendix to the Table of Alphabets.

The pronunciation is the same as that of the single con-
sonants.

§ 3. Vowels.

The vowels found in Pali are the same as in Samskrit,. with
the exception of the r and I vowels, and the diphthongs ai and au.

The r vowel is mostly represented in Pali by one of the
other vowels : —

(1) By am acchu=zriksha9 vijambhati=vijrimbhati> Jat. i. 12 ;
iasita =- trishita, Dath. iii. 44 ; mattha and mafta — mrishta,
gaha == griha, maccu = mrityu.

(2) By i in ina = rina, 'debt;' kisa ss krica, Mean ;- giddha
= gridhra, c greedy rniga = mriga, ' deer;' bhisi = brisi,
1 mat ;* sigdla = crigala, 1 jackal.'

(3) By u in usabha = rishabba, • bull puthu = prithu,
' broad pucchati = pricchati, ' to ask vutthi = vrishti, 1 rain.'

(4) By the consonant r accompanied by the vowels i or u,
in iritvtja = ritvij, € brahminical priest rite = rite, Kacc: 126 ;
iru = ric in irubb.eda = rigveda, rukkha = vriksha, bruheti =
brimhayati ; the latter root takes also sometimes the vowel
as in abbahati, Dh. 96, and in the participle braha.

(5) By € in geha, which is already found in Samskrit.

The diphthotig8 ai and au of the Samskrit become e and o in
Pali, that is to say, they are reduced from the second degree
of vowel strengthening called vriddhi in Samskrit to the first
called guna; this process is called vuddhi by the Pali gram-
marians. Examples are Gotama ==■ Gautama, Kondanna =
Kaundinya, Erdvana = Airavana> dvelhaka = dvaidhaka, metii
= maitri.

CHANGE OP VOWELS.

5

These diphthongs may, however, be further reduced to the
simple vowels % and in the same way as it is done with the
original e and o. We have m&;i==maitri, Jat. i. 468; isaariya^
aicvarya, ussukka = autsukya, Dh. 268.

The rules laid down by the grammarians concerning the use
of the vuddhi and of the simple vowel are very lax. Kacc,
p. 214, prescribes the vuddhi before a single consonant, but
at p. 219 he allows the forms with the simple vowel as well,
e.g., abhidhammika, vinateyya, ulumpika.

There are also two instances where an u derived from an
r-vowel (see above, no. 3) becomes o by vuddhi, viz., pothuj-
janika, < belonging to an unconverted person,' derived from
puthujjana = prithagjana and modangika, c one who beats the
drum,' derived from mutiny a = mridariga.

§ 4. Change of Vowels.

A short a of the Samskrit is subject to different changes in
Pali. It may become : —

(]). e in ettha = atra, 'there,' according to Childers, and
S. Goldschmidt's Prakritica, pp. 21 — 23. Kaccayana, p. 110,
derives it from etatha by shortening of the syllable eta into e ;
but Hemacandra, i. 57, has the right explanation. Similar
forms are ubhay ettha =zubhaj2itr&, i on both sides,' given in the
commentary, Dhp. p. 96, while the text at v. 15 has ubhayattha%
hetfhd and hetthato, 1 below ' = adhastat ; pure, € before,' with
its compositions puresamana, ' the companion who precedes
a bhikkhu f purebhattam, 6 before the morning meal ;' pure-
taram, Dh. 84, 135 ; antar in antepura = antahpura, i harem'
(antopuram, Dh. 162, 291) ; antovatthumhi, Mah. 253 ; antara-
vatthumhi, Jat. i. 232; antorukkhatd, Jat. i. 7; pheygu =

6

PALI GRAMMAR.

phalgu, ' empty.' In net/yd = cay y a, 'couch,' the change of
a to e is effected by the following y, and the same has taken
place in peyydla = pariyaya, if the derivation given by Olden-
berg, K. Z. xxv. p. 315, and Trenckner, Pali Miscellany, p. 66,
is correct.

(2) a becomes i in tipu — trapu, * lead,' kalimbhaka =
kadamba, 'point,' C. v. ii. 3; ^7a/a =palala, 'straw,' Jat. i. 382;
timisa = tamasa, 1 darkness,' Mil. 283, and timissd = tamisra,
Jat. iii. 433 ; nilicchita — nirashta according to Trenckner,
Pali Misc. p. 55. A great many more examples might be
adduced for this change, which is a very frequent one in Pali.

(3) a becomes u principally through the influence of a
labial, that may stand either before or after the vowel, or even
at some distance from it. Examples are sammunjam and sam-
mujjani, Jat. i. 161 — sammarjani, 'a broom ;' nibhisitattd =
nirvasitatma, Grimblot, Sept suttas Palis, 23 ; nimujjati =
nimajj, 'to sink;' puthujja = prithagja, 4 common,' Fausboll,
Sutta Nipata 171; panmivisati = pancavtsati, ' twenty-five,'
Jat. iii. 138. There are, however, also examples of this change
where there is no labial contact, e.g. thunanti, 'they sound,'
from stan (the participle nitthanamdna occurs at Jat. i. 463,
and nittliananta Jat> ii. 362) ; bhrunahu = bhrunahan, 'killing
the embryo,' Fausb., S. N. 122 ; ajjuka = arjaka, 'the white
parnasa;' ayw=agas, 'sin;' pajjnnna = parjanya, 'cloud;'
sajju — sadyas, 'instantly;' sajjulasa •=. sarjarasa, 'resin,'
M. vi. 7. In usuyd = asuya, ' envy,' and in kunkuttha =
kankushta, ' a sort of earth,' the change is due to the assimi-
lation of the vowels.

(4) a becomes o in sammosa = sammarsha, 'confusion,'
Gr. 25, Mil. 266, anto = antar, ' inside,' and its compositions,
tirokkha = tiraska, 'absent/ Suttavibh. i. 185.

CHANGE OF VOWELS.

7

Samskrit a is subject to the following changes : —

(1) It becomes e in pdrevata = parapata, ( pigeon* (para-
pata occurs at Jat. i. 242) ; rnettika — matrika, Cariy. i. 9, 11 ;
khepeti = kshapayati, from kshap, the causative of kshi ac-
cording to Trenckner, Pali Misc., p. 76, and Senart, Mahavastu,
p. 492 ; theto = sthatri, Brahmajalasutta, p. 5 ; seleti = cada-
yati, 6 to fall off/ Buddhavamsa i. 36 (usselheti, C. i. 13, 2 =
Suttavibh. i. 180, is a compound of this, and has nothing to
do with ussolhi, as the translators of the passage would make
out, Vinaya Texts, ii. 349). The change is effected by a y
standing before or after the vowel in ac?0ra=acarya, ' teacher/
Khuddasikkha xv., comp. Hem. i. '73; pdtihera (or pdtiMra)
= pratiharya, ' a miracle / nibbedheti = nirvyadhayati, ' to
transpierce,' Mah. 143.

(2) It becomes o in tumo s= tmana, ' self,' C. vii. 2, 3,
Oldenberg K. Z. xxv. 319 ; parovara = para vara, from para +
avara, 6 perfect,' Fausb., S. U. 59, 193 ; dW=dosha, 6 at night ;'
dhovati = dhav, ' to wash.'

(3) It 'becomes u in some compositions with the root gd,
1 to go/ like addhagu, ' a traveller ;' pdragu, ' one who has
crossed to the other side/ probably through an intermediate
o (see no. 2), as we have atigo, Dhp. v. 370 ; pdrago, Mah.
60, 250 ; vivarantagu, Jat. ii. '208. The sa'me change takes
place in compositions with^wa, ' to know ;' as, vinnu, 6 clever /
saLbannu, 1 omniscient / vadannu = vadanya, 6 bountiful/ is
clearly constructed after the false analogy of these forms,
but has nothing to do with jnd. Tadannu, Saddham-
mopayana, v. 177, is composed with^wa, and is different from
tadanha =z tad + anya, occurring at v. 149 of the same
poem.

8

PALI GRAMMAR.

Samskrit i is subject to the following changes : —

(1) It becomes a in kdkanikd = kakinika, 'a small coin;'
paihavi = prithivi, * the earth;' • pokkharani = pushkarini,
1 lotus tank ;' gharani = grihini, 4 wife,' M. viii. 1, 12 ; pataiirja

= phadihga, 4 a flying insect,' Dh. 412, Mil. 272 ; sdkhalya,
4 friendship,' Childers s. v. sakhilu, and some futures like
icchasarn, panfddassam, mentioned by Trenckner, Pali Misc.,
p. 75. A doubtful form is dnafija, Jat. i. 415, ii. 325 ; Sut-
tavibb. i. 4 ; Samaimapbalasutta ed. Grimblot, p. 143. A
various reading is dtianca, which is found besides in Mahapari-
nibbauas., p. 34, and Burnouf, Lotus, pp. 306, 467, 866 ; but
Buddhaghosa, at Suttavibh. i. 267, explains it by dnejjappatte,
acale, niccale and if this is correct it can have nothing to
do with Samskrit anantya, but must be derived from the Pali
root inj = Samskrit ing% ' to move.' Comp. Childers, s. v. dnej-

jam, and p. 454, and Senart, Mahavastu, p. 399.

(2) It becomes e in etta, 1 so much'=Skt. iyant, Senart,
Mahavastu, p. 384 (but not etto, 4 hence,' which is derived
from etta = eta, Goldschmidt, Pracritica, p. 21 — 23); vihesd
= vihimsa, * vexation,' and the verb viheseti, 4 to annoy,'
Jat. iii. 295 ; veJtdgamana = vihagamana, 4 coming through
the air,' Mah. 157 ; vematika = vimatika, 4 inconsistent ;'
vemajjha = vimadhya, * the middle ;' Vessabhu = Vicvabhu, 4 a
name of Buddha ;' manjettha = mafijishtha, 4 light red ;' kera-
tika, Jat. i. 461, and kerdtiya, Jat. iii. 260 = kirata, 4 hypocrite,'
(comp. Indian Antiquary, vi. 40); esikd == ishika, . 4 pillar '
(but isikd, Samaimaph. S. ed. Grr. p. 144), Brahmaj. S 18,
neuter pi. esikdni, Jat. ii, 95 ; terovassika, 4 more than a
year old ' = Skt. tirovarshika, like Vedic tiro ahnya, Morris'
Report on Pali Literature, p. 6 ; dvebhdga, dvebhdva, dvebhu-
maka = dvibhaga, dvibhava, dvibhumaka ; pettdpiya = pitrivya,

CHANGE OF VOWELS.

9

Trencknier, Pali Misc. 62 ; mdtdpettibhara, ' supporting one's
parents,' = matri + pitribhara, tekicchu, ' curable,' from ci-
kitsa, etthi == isbti, ' wish,' Khuddasikkha. A difficult form
is tbe adverb seyyathd, 'just as,' in a comparison, whieb is
explained in different ways by tbe grammarians. Trenckner,
Pali Misc. p. 75, explains it as a Magadbizing form, corres-
ponding to tbe Skt. tadyatha, and he is followed by Senart,
Mahavastu, p. 415, who adduces tbe corresponding form of
the northern Buddhists sayyathidam, already mentioned by
Leon Peer, Etudes Bouddhiques, p. 313. I believe this ex-
planation preferable to that of E. Kuhn, who considers it as
a potential atmanepadam of the root as ' to be.' A form
seyathd occurs in tbe inscription of Bhabra, Cunningham,
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, p. 111. A similar change of
a to e is in yebhuyya == yad + bhuyas, Instr. yebkuyyena,
1 generally,' ' mostly.' The corresponding form of the
northern Buddhists is yobhuyena, Senart, Mahavastu 422.

(3) It becomes u in huhkusa = kiknasa, C. x. 27, 4, kukku
= kiahku, 6 measure of length.' M. vii. 1, 5 ; nicchubhiyati =■
kshiv, ' to spit out,' Mil. 188 ; also written nichubkati, Carivap.
ix. 23, Bv. xi. 15, Jat. iii. 512, 513 ; participle, nicchuddha,
Mil. 130, Dh. 8, 202 ; rdjula = rajila, 6 a lizard ;' geruka =
gairika, 1 red chalk,' M. i. 25, 15.

(4) It becomes o in ondjeti, 'to dedicate,' M. i. 22, 18 =
avanejayati according to Kern, Buddhism, p. 92.

Samskrit i is subject to the following changes : —

(1) It becomes a in kosajja, 1 idleness '== kausidya ; bhasma
ass bhishma, 'dreadful/ C. vii. 4, 8 (another form bhesma occurs
Ab. 167, and bhisma in the Mahasamaya ap. Grimblot, p. 288).

(2) It becomes d in tiraccJidna = tira^ina, 'an animal.'

10

PALI GRAMMAR.

(3) It becomes e in khela = krida, 'play,' Dath. i. 41, Pischel
Beitr. iii. 254 ; keldyatha, Mil. 73, a veld = apida, g a garland ;f
Prak. dmela, Hem. i. 105 5 ere^', 1 to utter,' Dh. v. 134 ;
according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 76 = ireti. E for 1 is
found frequently in derivative syllabl.es, as in the absolutive
gahetvd for grihitva, in djdneyya for djdniya, and similar forms
given by Kacc. p. 196. There is a present seyyasi = ciryasi,
from car, 6 to throw down/ occurring only in this form Jat. i.
174, Dh. 147. The commentary explains it by visinnaphalo
hoti. Qri becomes se in the names of two plants, sepanni =
criparni and sephdlikd — criphalika.

(4) It becomes u in the root thubh = shthiv, ' to spit ;' also
written thuh, as in nitthuhati, S. i. 132 ; nutthuhati, C. vi. 20, 2,
M. viii. 1, 11. The form nitthuh occurs also in Prakrit,
Decinamamala, iv. 41.

Samskrit u is subject to the following changes : —

(1) It becomes a in sakkhali = cashkuli, Jat. ii. 281, Sut-
tavibh.i. 55; agaru and «y«Zw=aguru, ' Agallochum;' dudrabhi
= dundubhi, * drum,' M. i. 6, 8 ; vdkard or vdkara, Jat. iii.
541 = vagura, * net phallati = phull, i to bear fruit,' and
pharati — sphur, 1 to flash.' Bdhusacca is derived by Childers
from bahucrutya, by Fausboll from bahusmartya ; the analogy
of mutthasacca, however, adduced by Childers, points to the
latter etymology. Rathesabha, 1 king,' is according to Trenck-
ner, Pali Misc. p. 59 = rathecubh ; according to Senart, Maha-
vastu, p. 427 = ratha + rishabha.

(2) It becomes 1* in dindima = dundubhi, ' drum,' Dip. 96 ;
khipati =^ kshu, 4 to sneeze ; ' muditd = muduta, Senart, Maha-
vastu 629. The identity of sippl and cukti, i pearl oyster,'
assumed by Trenckner, Pali Misc. 60-75, remains doubtful.

CHANGE OF VOWELS.

11

(3) It becomes o chiefly before a double consonant, as in
okkd = ulka, 'torch,' Jat. i. 34 ; pottha = pusta, 'a modelled
figure,' Jat. ii. 432, and its derivative, potthalikd or pott -hanikd,
M. vi. 23, 3, C. vii. 3, 4 ; Prak. puttalid, Paiyalacchi 117 ;
vokkamati = vyutkramati (comp. Pischel's remarks to Hem. i.
116); pdmokkh a =ipra,mukhj a, (pdmukkha, Jat. i. 371). There
are, however, also instances of the change before a single con-
sonant, as kolanna = kulaja, ' of good family,' Mil. 256 (for
the termination comp. agganna and Senart's remarks Maha-
vastu, p. 617); Jcoliya, Jat. iii. 22, and koliniya, Jat. ii. 348 (if
the reading koleyya is not to be preferred, kulma occurs at
Mah. 245) ; and kolaputti, which is not to be considered as a
vuddhi with Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 64. Pali koti represents
the' Skt. kuti as well as koti, Lotus 432; anopama, Jat. i. 89;
Mahavastu 511 is = anupama, Mah. 240.

Samskrit u is subject to the following changes :

(1) It becomes d in masdraka = masuraka, 'a sort of bed,'
C. vi. 2, 3. JBhdkuti, Suttavibh. i. 181 = bhrukuti, 'eye-brow,'
most probably goes back to the Skt. bhrakuti or bhrikuti. The
common Pali word bhamu is not, as Childers explained it, a
careless pronunciation of bbru, but an abbreviation of bha-
muka or bhamuha as bhrumukha, as is shown by the Prak.
bhamaya, Hem. ii. 167. The Sinhalese baema also goes back
to this form.

(2) It becomes i or i in bMyo, bhiyyo = bhuyas, and in
niyura = nupura, 4 bracelet,' which, however, might stand for
nidhura.

(3) It becomes o in oja = urjas, ' strength,' Jati. 68, Dh. 132;
onavisativasso = unav°, 'less than twenty years old,'

Samskrit e is subject to the following changes: —

12

PALI GRAMMAR.

(1) It becomes a in milakhha = mleccha (comp. K. Z xxv.
327), and in some verbal forms like akaramhasa, Dh. p. 147.

(2) It becomes d in kdyura = keyiira, 1 bracelet,' C. v. 2, 1,
Jat. iii. 437.

(3) It becomes i before double consonants, as in pasibbaka=i
prasevaka, i bag ' ; pativissaka = prativecaka, * neighbouring ; "
ubbilla = udvela in ubbillabMva, ' lengthiness,' Saddhammopa-
yana 136 ; but also before single ones, as abhijihana from jeh,
Jat. 546, v. 49, according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. 78 ; apavi-
nati, Jat. 409, v. 4, from ven ; pahinaka and pahenaka, 'offer-
ing,' Prak. pahenaya, Paiyal. 206.

(4) It becomes o in mankato = matkrite, Mil. 384 ; and in
atippago = atiprage, f too early,' corresponding to atipragah
of the northern Buddhists, Mahavastu 418.

Sam8krit o is subject to the following changes: —
It becomes u before a double consonant, and u before a
single, as in junhd = jyotsna, ' a moon-lit night ; 1 tutta =
tottra, 6 a pike used to guide an elephant, Cariy. iii. 5, 2 ;
tadupiya, 1 suitable, corresponding,' which is not = tadrupya,
as Childers suggested. Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 77, identifies
it with Skt. tadopya, which is derived from the root vap in
composition with <z, and ascribes the change of o to u to the
following i ; but Senart, Inscriptions de Piyadasi i. 188, and
Mahavastu 493, takes it as a compound of tad + opaya.
Visuka = vicoka, * spectacle ; ' dubha = droha, 1 deceiving,'
Mah. 49 ; khajjupanaka, Trenckner, Pali Misc. 59, for khajjo-
panaka = khadyota, 1 the fire-fly ; ' ar&gya = arogya, 1 good
health,' M. N. 66. Also an o contracted from ava is
subject to this change, as in ussdva = avacjaya, 'dew;'
ujjhd=. a vadhy a, 4 to blame;' and uddeti= oddeti = ava + di,

CHANGE OF QUANTITY.

13

according to Morris, Anguttaranikaya i. 24, 4. Conip. the
remarks of Fausboll, Two Jatakas 13, the verb nidddyati,
Jat. i, 215, nidddpeti, C. vii. 1, 2, identified by Oldenberg
with nirdata, Manu vii. 110. An example of an o changed to
u before a single consonant is ukkusa = utkroca, i the osprey/
only written ukkfisa at Jat. 486, v. 2, where the u is required
by the metre.

§. 5. Change of Quantity.

Long vowels before a double consonant are generally
shortened. The reason is given by Kacc. vii. 5, 13-14, where
he says that a short vowel before a double consonant as a long
vowel is called garu. This rule, however, is not always followed
by the manuscripts^ where we often find a long vowel before a
double consonant, especially when the long vowel is the result
of a contraction. Fausboll, in the preface to his edition of the
Dhammapada, p. vii., was the first to call attention to this
inconsistency of the manuscripts, and afterwards Senart,
Kacc. pp. 4, 5, has discussed it at some length. The principles
established by him have been followed on the whole by the
recent editors of Pali texts, as far as the groups with assimi-
lated consonants are concerped ; and also Childers, in his Pali
Dictionary, has adopted them with a few exceptions, so he
writes ajjavam instead of djavam, Kacc. 216 = Sitt. arjava,
ddbbi = Skt. darvi, ddtta = datra, following Abhidhanappa-
dipika. Kuhn, in his Pali Grammar, p. 18, condemns this way
of writing, and allows the long vowel only in those instances
in which a contraction has taken place, as in nagghati = na
+ agghati, piyappiya == piya + appiya. The Sinhalese editions
generally follow the method of the manuscripts.

14

PALI GRAMMAR.

Before a nasal we generally find the law observed, as santa,
danta, vanta = canta, danta, vanta, Kacc. 295, but the editors
of the second part of the Mahavamsa write langanakicca, Mah.
39, 28. Before other groups of consonants the editions are
less consistent: we have ativdkya, Ab. 122, Dh. 57; sakya,
sakka, sakiya = cakya, Mah. 9, 55, Abh. 5, 336 ; dkhydta and
akkhdta, Kacc. 5, 220 ; pahatvdna = pahdtvd, 1 having left
behind,' Dh. v. 243, 415 ; dussilya, Dh. v. 162 = dauhcilya,
'wickedness;' balyar 'childhood,' Dh. v. 63, but bdlya, Ab.
250, 1079 ; iiatvd and bhitvd, from jna, and bhi, Kacc. 303,
Dh. 85, 379 ; karnyatd = kamyata, ' desire ; ' bahya = bahya,
' external.'

Another possibility of avoiding the contact of a long vowel
with a double consonant is to put the single consonant of the
group resulting by assimilation, as in djava = arjava, Kacc.
216, Ten Jat. 98 ; kdsu = karshu, ' hole,' umi = urmi, 1 wave,'
Ab. 662; but ummi, Mil. 346; bhdnaka = bhandaka, 1 jar,' Sut-
tavibh. 90, Ascoli Kritische Studien, p. 211; bhuja = bhurja,
■ the birch ; ' ahdsi = aharshit,' ' he took.' The same process
may take place after a short vowel, which then is lengthened,
as in sdjiva for sajjiva =2 sad + jiva, 1 rule of conduct,' Pat. 5,
65, comp. Senart, Mahavastu 481 ; vupakdsati = vyupakarsh,
* to make clear/ M. i. 25, 20, Pat. 109 ; svdtana = cvastana,
1 belonging to to-morrow,' Dh. 231 ; vdka = valka, 1 bark of a
tree;' sankdpayati = sahkappayati, 'to arrange,' M. iii. 1, 2
(there are, however, two various readings, sankdyati, C. x. 18,
and Anguttaranikaya, p. 117, and sankdmeti, Suttavibh. i. 50,
which render the etymology doubtful). Several compounds
with the preposition ud, as uhadeti = ud + had, % to befoul
with excrement ; ' uhata = ud -{- hata, ' destroyed,' Dh. 375,
Mahavastu, 379, 566 ; uhasana, from ud + has, 6 laughter,'

CHANGE OF QUANTITY.

15

Mil. 127. TThanati, M. i. 49, 4, Suttavibh. ii. 40, seems to
be synonymous with uhadati, mentioned before ; and I believe
the translation given by Davids and Oldenberg, * threw their
bedding out,' not to be correct. The passive uhanni is found
M. i. 25, 15, the past participle uhata, C. viii. 10, 3; and
another compound of the same root, ohaneti, occurs in the same
signification, Cariy. ii. 5, 4, where it is in parallel to uccdra-
passdvam katvd, Jit. ii. 385.

The opposite way is to shorten the vowel before a double
consonant, as in the instances given above, and this can also
be done where a single consonant follows a long voweL Fre-
quent instances occur in the genitive plural of stems ending in
u or as; as bahunnam = bahunam, Dhp. 81, pitunnam = pitri-
nam ; and of numerals, as tinnam, pancannam. But there are
also a number of other words belonging to this category ; as
bhummi == bhiimi, ' earth,'' C. xii. 2, 5 ; mattisarnbliava = ma-
tris°, Dh, v. 396 ; mdtumattika = matrimatrika, Suttavibh. i.
16; unhissa = ushnisha, * diadem/ Bv. p. 68, note; vanibbaka=
vanipaka (which is found Cariy. i. 4, 5), ' beggar,' with change
of p to bb ; niddha = nida, i nest,' from ni + sad, (comp.
Hem. i 106, Weber Indische Streifen i. 141, Ascoli 284) ;
sutta = Byuta, 4 sewn;' daftha = ddthd, ( jaw,' Mil. 150 ; abba-
hati = a + brih, 6 to take down,' and its causative abbdheti,
4 to pluck,' M. vi. 20, 2, C, vii. 4, 5 ; jannu = janu, * knee,'
Mahaparinibb. 69 ; avassayim for avdsayim (comm. vdsam, hap-
pesim), *I lived,' Jat. ii, 80. Syllables ending with y are
especially often treated in this way ; as abhibhuyya = abhi-
bhuya, Dh. v. 328 ; bhiyyo == bhtyo for bhuyas, mentioned
above ; jiyyati = jiyati, < to decay,' Dh. 179, and the suffix
iyya = iya.

The same transformations we have hitherto mentioned can

1G

PALI GBAMMA.lt.

also take place in syllables which contain an e or an o} with
the only difference that these diphthongs always remain as
they are ; they are considered long before a single consonant
and short before a group, as stated by the grammarian Mog-
gallana (Alwis, Introduction, p. xvii. note, Catal. 41, 184).
Generally, however, the syllable conforms to the condition,
according with the etymology of a word. The following are
exceptions, where the simple consonant stands for the double :
vetheti = veshtayati, 'to surround;7 sekha = caiksha, 'a dis-
ciple ; ' apekhd and apekkhd, ' desire,' = apeksba, upekhd and
upekkhd, * equanimity ;' vimokha = vimoksha, ' release.' Y is
always doubled after <?, as in seyyo == creyas, 'better;' mac-
cudheyya =□ mrityudheya, 'death:' the only exception is ke-
yura, ' bracelet,' Ab. 287, which generally becomes kdyura (see
above). V after o is only doubled in yobbana = yauvana,
'youth.' After the prefix o> contracted from ava, a double
consonant formed by assimilation always remains, as in abboc-
chinna — avyavacchinna, 'unbroken,' Mil. 72 ; okkhitta=a.vsik-
shipta, 'cast down,' Pat. 20, 21 ; and even a simple consonant
is often doubled, as in osscijjati — avasrij, ' to give up ; ' ossak-
kamdna = avasarpamana, 'scattered,' Jat. i. 139; ahbhokki-
rana = abhyavakirana, ' covering,' and, with change of o to u,
abbhukkirati. Jat. ii. 311.

The cases of change of quantity are by no means yet ex-
hausted by the rules and examples given above. We have
numerous instances where the change is due entirely to the
metre, and others again where no reason is visible. We will
try in the sequel to keep separate as much as possible these
two cases, and mention those instances which are supported
by the Prakrit dialects.

The roots terminating in a, a&jnd, dd, sthd, almost regularly

CHANGE OF QUANTITY.

17

shorten the vowel in composition, and in derived forms, as,
e.g., pannavd = prajnavant, 'wise,' always written with a
except in a passage of the Culakammavibhangasutta, quoted
by Gogerly, Ev. 31. Erom sth& we have patthdpeti, *to bring
forward.' The same occurs in samhhata == samkhyata, Dh. v.
70, where, however, it might also be shortened by a confusion
with samkhata = samskrita. A in the middle of a root is
shortened in galiati and gaheti, ' to dive,' = gah, and its com-
positions ogahi, Mah. 152 ; ogaha, Jat. iii. 289 ; vigayhati and
vigaMpeti Suffixes with long vowels are very often shortened,
as, e.g., dgahita—kgrihita, 4 seized,' Dh. 107; appatita — apra-
tita, ' displeased,' Pat. 4, 5; sadevika — sadevika, 'accompanied
by his queen,' Mah. 205 ; vipaccanika = vipratyanika, 'hostile/
Grimblot 1 ; paccanika^ Cariy. ii. 8, 4; ahirika=SLhrika, 'shame-
less,' Dh. 44 ; sdluha = cahika, ' the root of the water-lily,'
M. vi. 35, 6. Especially the suffix iya is almost regularly
shortened, as in pdniya = paniya, ' water/ M. i. 26, 4 ; sakiya
= svakiya, ' own ;' updddniya = upadaniya, 1 sensual,' in a
passage of the Samyuttaka Nikaya quoted by Oldenberg,
Buddha 435; pdtidesaniya = pratidecamya, 'a class of priestly
sins requiring confession,' constantly written so in the Pati-
mokkha, and Suttavibhanga ; gariya = gariyas, ' heavier,' Dh.
245, &c. Shortening by svarabhakti is very frequent in Pali,
as in bliariyd = bharya, ' wife ;' dcariya = acarya, ' teacher /
suriya = surya, 'sud,' and numerous other examples.

Lengthening of vowels occurs principally, in prepositions, as
in dbhidosika, 'stale/ from abhidosa, 'evening/ Suttavibh. i.
15 ; pdtibhoga = pratibhoga, ' surety/ com p. Mahavastu 582 ;
pdvacana = pravacana, ' the Holy Scriptures ' (the same in the
language of the northern Buddhists, Mahavastu 566); pdhata
= prakata, ' clear, evident / pdheti, ' to send ' = prahi, from

c

18

PALI GRAMMA!?.

the false analogy of the aorist pdhesi ; pdydti and pdydfo, from
praya, 'to depart,' Jat. i. 146; Khys Davids, Buddhist Suttas,
p. 241, note. There are, however, some other instances of
lengthened vowels besides: a privativum is lengthened, in dya-
sakya, 'disgraceful,' from a + vacas, Jat. ii. 33, iii. 514, in
paccdmitta — pratyamitra, ' enemy.' Other vowels in dlinda =
alinda, ' terrace; ' djira = ajira, ' court,' Mah. 215 ; pdydsa ==
payasa, ' rice porridge ; ' gdvuta = gavyuti, 4 a measure of
length ; 9 ummdra = udumbara, ' threshold ; ' sabbdvd = sarva-
vat, 'entire;' lchardpinda, 'lump of glass,' Dip. 102. Lengthen-
ing is very frequent also when a word is repeated in composi-
tion; as phaldphala = phala-f-phala, 'wild fruits, berries;'
divddivassa, 'at an unusual hour,' Ten Jat. 16, Ch. Addenda;
khanddkhandam, 'in pieces;' Macdh'ccdni, 'all sorts of duties.'

According to the law given by Kaccayana, vii. 5, 13, that a
short vowel before a double consonant is considered as a long
one, we have to treat here also those cases where a single con-
sonant after a short vowel is doubled, and a double one sim-
plified, because the quantity of the- syllable is changed by this
process. In these cases it is sometimes very difficult to dis-
tinguish what is due to the metre, and what not. A clear
instance of metrical change would be appabodhati, Dh. v. 143,
if Subhuti's opinion is right, that it stands for apabodhati ;
Weber, however, and Max Muller refer it to alpabodhati, 'parvi
facere,' and Fausbdll to a + prabodhati. Subhuti's view ig
supported by appavdujita = aparajita, ' unconquered,' Cariy. i.
2, 2. Other instances are saparijjana, ' with his attendants,'
Cariy. ii. 8, 2; kappildyam, Cariy. ii. 9, 2; nikkhani for nikhani,
' he buried,' Cariy. iii. 14, 4; abhinivassatha, ' he lived,' Cariy.
i. 10, 3 ; upavassatha, ib. i. 10, 5 ; paddhdna, Bv. xvii. 16 ; ut-
tassati = uttrasati, 'he trembles,' Cariy. iii. 13,4 (participle

CHANGE OF QUANTITY. 19

uttrassa, M. x. 2, 16) ; suppatha, Ab. 193 ; kummiga = kum-
riga, Mil. 346 ; paggJidrati, ' to ooze/ Dh. 81; abkisammayo, Bv.
vi. 3 ; paribbasdna = parivasana, 'abiding/ Fausboll, S. N" . 152.
The following are instances from prose texts where the doub-
ling cannot be ascribed to metrical influence: patikhula =
pratikula, ' contrary ; 9 jdtassara = jatasara, ' a natural pond ; '
sakkdya=sv&khy&, 'individuality;' anuddayd=: anud&ya,, 'com-
passion and anuddayatd, Suttavibh. i. 247; vibbheda^vibheda,
' division,' Jat. i. 212 ; «mwa=uma, ' flax,' Mil. 118 ; cheppdz=z
cepa, 'tail/ M. v. 9, 1 ; cikkhalla==cikha\ya, ' mud/ M. vii. 1,
1 ; niggahita = nigrihita, ' restrained/ okJcassa = avakrishya,
4 having dragged away/ Mabaparinibb. 3 ; upaJcJcilesa = upa-
kleca, ' sin ; ' upassattlia = upasrishta, ' oppressed/ Jat. i. 61 ;
vikkhdyitaka from vi + khad, comp. Kern, Buddhism, 402;
pdtielcka — pratyeka, 4 individual ' (regular form pacceha) ;
kattahdra — kahlara, * the white, water-lily ; * mukkhara = mii-
khara, 'noisy,' Minayeff, Pat. 59; vissajjeti, from vi + srij,
' to give away/ and avissajjiya, avissajjika, C. vi. 15, 2, M. viii.
27, 5 (bub visajja in a metrical passage Mabaparinibb. 17),
and avissatthaka, Jat. i. 434.

Compared with these instances of doubling a consonant, the
instances of the opposite process are but few, and they are
nearly all to be ascribed to metrical influence. So we have
duhha instead of dukkha= d\\h\h&, 'sorrow,' Dh. v. 83; put ha
iustead of putt ha =p\x^hta, ' fed/ Dh. v. 2 18 ; &«mM=karnika,
' an ear ornament,' Ab. 574. In prose texts I have only found
hamhdra = karnikara, 'the tree Pterospernum acerifolium/
Jat. ii. 25 ; and b/tadanta, also written bkaddanta = bha,draLtitii,
'a venerable man, a Buddhist priest.'

20

PALI ORAMMAB.

§ 6. Nasal Vowels.

The anusvara or niggahit a can stand before every consonant,
but before an explosive sound it may also migrate into the
nasal of the corresponding class. So you may write kumkuma
or kunkuma, sarncarati or sancarati, wmdd&a or sanddsa, tamdita
or tandita, kambala or kambala. In the first instance, how-
ever, before a guttural it is usual to transcribe the nasal by a
simple n without any diacritical sign. Before k the anusvara
can be changed into the palatal or cerebral nasal, as panha =.
pracna, 'question,' but panki = prieni, 'variegated; ' in both
instances the origin of the group is the same, viz., from gny but
the usage has been fixed in different ways. Prom panha is
derived apannaha for apanhaka, ' certain/ always spelt with the
cerebral group. Paripanhati is spelt with the cerebral in
Minayeff's Patimokkha, p. 17, 92;. but in the corresponding
passage of the Suttavibh. ii. 141, we have paripdnhati, which I
consider to be more correct. Prak. panha, Hem. ii. 75. In
the same way we have taM=trisbna, 'thirst,' $tf«A«=clakshna;
but its derivative, spelt sarihita, Mah. 104. Osanhati, at C. v.
2, 3, is also spelt with the cerebral, and I believe this to be
the correct spelling, as the n is already found in Samskrit. I
cannot account for the change of n to n in apannattika=aj)T&-
jnaptika, 'not existing/ in aaa==ajna, 'order/ dndpeti, and-
pana, &c.

Before a y the anusvara can remain, or the whole group can
migrate into raw, as e.g. samyoga or sannoga. Before r, s, v it
is always retained. Before I the anusvara is always assimi-
lated, as in salldpa = samlapa, 4 conversation.' Before a vowel
it becomes m in poetry when a short syllable is required, the
nasal vowels being invariably considered as long.

NASAL TOWELS.

21

The grammarian Vanaratana, according to Trenckner, Pali
Misc. 80, remarks that h may be joined to any one of the five
nasals ; for h with the guttural nasal I can adduce no example,
but for h with the dental nasal we have cinha — cihna, ' mark,'
pubbanha, Mil. 17; rnqjjhanha = madhyahna, ' midday/ Ab. 767;
sdyanha = sayahna, ' evening,' seems to be always spelt with
the cerebral.

The nasal vowel is sometimes replaced by a long one, a3 in
siha = simha, ' a lion;' visati = vimsati, ' twenty sanddsa =
samdamca, 'tongs;' ddthd = damshtra, fcjaw.' This happens
often in the preposition sam when it is followed by r, as in
sdrdga— samraga, 'passion;' saram5^a=samrambha, 'clamour;'
sdrambM, ' clamorous,' Jat. iii. 259 ; sdrdmt/o, Mahaparin. 2, is
according to Senart's explanation, Mahavastu, p. 599 = sam-
raiijniya for samranjaniya, and = sarayaniya of the northern
Buddhists, which etymology is confirmed by the passage of the
Lalitavistara, p. 530, where we read sammodanih sarnranjanih
kathah kritva, corresponding to the Pali sammodaniyam katharn
sdrdniyam vitisdretvd, comp. also Vinaya texts, ii. 364. Sar-
dham loses its anusvara in the compound saddhivihdrika, 'fellow
priest,' and also in the simple word in a passage of Buddha-
ghosa quoted C. 318.

The opposite process is the development of an unorganic
anusvara out of an explosive consonant. This process has
taken very large dimensions in the Sinhalese down from the
10th or 11th century (see my Contributions to Sinhalese
Grammar, pp. 12, 13), but we find the beginning of it already
in Pali, and it is not merely the corrupt spelling of the Sing-
halese writers as Childers believed (see Childers, s. v. nagaram).
Moreover, a form nangaram occurs in the Samskrit of the
northern Buddhists, Mahavastu pp. 83, 440, so that we have

22

PALI GRAMMAR.

no reason to doubt its correctness in Pali. Ndnga for naga,
1 snake,' Dh. 102, occurs again in the introduction to the
Samanta pasadika, and seems to be also a correct form. Other
instances are sanan t a na =saukta,na, 1 perpetual/ which Childers
explains as sanam -f tana; jpj?7/a = piccha, 'wing,' (piccha occurs
at M. v. 2, 3); mahimsa= mahishz, 4 buffalo,' Cariy. ii. 5, 1, and
mahimsakamandala, 4 the Andhra country;' the insertion is
especially frequent in syllables which originally contain an r;
sammunjani=sa.mm{xrjtim, 'a broom' (also written sammiijjani,
Jat. i. 161) ; samvari—yivv&Yi, ' the night;' dandh a = dndhai
' slow' according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 65, and its
derivatives dandhati, Jat. i. 345, Feer Etudes Bouddhiques 133,
Cariy. viii. 13 (dantayi is a mistake); dandhdyana. Mil. 59, 105;
dandhayitattam, Mil. 115; maiikato = maikTite, Mil. 384; man-
&w/a=matkuna, 'bug,' Pat. 91, comp. Skt. marikhuna ; anc=
arc, * to worship' according to Weber (we find, however, acca-
yissam, Dath. v. 17, and accita, Ab. 750); another anc occurs,
Jat. i. 417, to explain udancani \ sawdfl=sadra, ' thick, coarse;'
si)igdla=(}ngii\'d, 1 jackal;' vitamsd = vitasta, Mil. 114; nantaJca
=naktaka or laktaka, 4 dirty cloth,' Jat. iii. 22, which Trenck-
ner, Pali Misc. 81, believes to be borrowed from an aboriginal
language : the regular form lattaka occurs Dhp. 190. Some
participles must be mentioned here of verbs that have n in the
present, as raw^Aa=raddha, from randheti, 1 to destroy,' Mil.
107, Jat. 537 v. 108, 538 v. 85; fow^a=baddha, 'bound,'
Kacc. 130, M. viii. 12, 1, where BucWhaghosa has baddham;
^iZawdArt=pinaddha, from pilandhati, 'to rear,' Mil. 337. The
aorist aganchi, and the future ganchati or ganchitij rom gacchati,
'to go,' occur according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. pp. 71 — 74,
only in Sinhalese manuscripts, while the .Burmese almost con-
stantly write agacchi; besides, in the compound adhigacchati

VOWELS ADDED OR DROPPED.

23

the aorist does not take the nasal, and in the plural before
-imsa, -ittha, -imha, the form ganchi is very rarely used. I
believe these forms to have followed the false analogy of adan-
chi from damp, 4 to bite,' Jat. 444 v. 3, and of dhanchi, M. i. 6,
8, hanchema, Jat. ii. 418, from han, 4 to strike/ which both
have the nasal in the root.

We often find a nasal added at the end of a word, as in
sakkaccam = satkritya, 4 respectfully Jcuddcanam = kuda +
caua, 'ever;' annadatthum=z2inyeL&-r astu, 'only, exclusively;'
in a passage of the* Sarayuttaka Nikaya, quoted by Trenckner,
P. M. 67, tatthanca=ztsitrsi ca, Mah. 5.. In two instances we
find n instead of the anusvara : cirann dyati, Kacc. 26, and
satdnan esa dhamma for satdnam, Jayaddisa Jataka. Besides,
at the end of the first part of compounds, not only in such
cases where it is to be considered as an accusative, as in ata-
7a?w^0$sa = atalasparca, 4 not touching the bottom;' sabban-
jaka, 4 leaving everything / such instances are viralanjana =
virala-fjana, 4 thinly peopled/ Att. 204 ; andhantama —andhsi
-ftamas, 'thick darkness/ attantapa, 4 self-tormenting/ Chil-
ders s.v. puggala ; gaiiamgana, 4 with many linings, M. v. 1, 30;
ratJiandhuri = ratha-f dhur, 4 the yoke of the carriage/ Sad-
dhammopayana v. 468 ; kabalimkdra=kabalikdra (the writing
of the Burmese MSS.) 4 material food/ Gr. 43 ; jayampati,
4 husband and wife/ most probably standing for jayapati and
also tudampati, would go back to the same form if Childers'
etymology is right ; comp. Kuhn's Lit. Bl., no. 1, art. 2. The
contracted iovmja?npati occurs Dath. iv. 25.

§ 7. Vowels Added or Dropped.

A vowel in the middle of a word has been elided in agga for

24

PALI GEA.MMAH.

<7^m = agara, ' house,' only used in compounds; dhitd= duh'rtk,
' daughter jaggati for jagarati, 1 to watch ;' and in the termi-
nation rnhe for mahe, of the 1st person pi., atmanepadam.

A vowel at the beginning is dropped in Zaw/rara = alarikara,
'ornament, decoration/ Dip, 47; flwflm^'=anumati, 'consent/
Dip. 35; mZrtwy^'=avalanjeti, 'to use, to spend' (the full
form occurs Jat. i. Ill, Suttavibh. ii. 266); pindsa, i catarrh'
— apindsa^ Skt. piuasa; parajjhati for aparajjhati, from radh,
'to be injured;' ^amw«=upavana, 'side of a mountain, 1 ac-
cording to Subhiiti, Jat. i. 28, and perhaps vegha^SLvekshk,
' care,' Mahaparin. 25, Ehys David's Buddhist Suttas p. 37.

About pi for api, ti for iti, va for iva and eva, we shall
speak hereafter in the chapter on Sandhi.

The only instance of a vowel added in the beginning of a
word is ittM=8tri (istri in the Gathas of the northern Bud-
dhists), an evolution which bears the closest similarity to that
in the Romance languages, as, e.g. ispirito= spirit us.

§ 8. Consonants.

(1) Gutturals. — A Sanskrit guttural is represented by a
palatal in cunda=k\mda, ' turner,' Mil. 331 ; inj and its com-
pound samminj were also believed to come under this rule
by Fausboll, Dhp. 273, and Weber, Ind. Stud. iii. 147, Ind.
Streifen i. 131, iii. 397, who identified it with Skt. ing ; other
etymologies of these difficult words have been suggested since,
of which I will only mention two, that of Senart, Mahavastu
p. 418, who believes samminj to stand for samvrinj, and that of
Oldenberg, K. Z. xxv. 324, who derives it from anc. Against
Senart there is only this to say, that the root vrinj occurs in

CONSONANTS.

25

the form vinn, Suttavibh. ii. 264, in the form vinj, Suttavibh.
i. 127 (comp. Trenckner, P. M. 59); and Oldenberg leaves the
double m entirely unexplained. The form sarninjayati occurs
also in the Brihad Aranyaka Upanishad, 6, 4, 23 ; and perhaps
after all this may be the right etymology (Boehtlingk-Eotb.
s. v. sam-fing).

(2) Palatals. — A Skt. palatal is represented by a guttural
in bhisakha = bhishaj, ' physician ' (but Satabhisaja = £ata-
bhishaj, Ab. 60) ; milakkha = mleccha for milaska, K. 2. xxv.
327; pabhanguna=prabhanja,na>) destruction.' Of much greater
importance than this is the change of palatals to dentals, very
frequent not only in Pali but throughout the Indian verna-
culars. Especially the Sinhalese, down from the 9th century,
is fond of this change, of which I have given numerous exam-
ples in my Contributions to Sinhalese Grammar, pp. 17, 18.
An instance of this change in Skt. is samsridbhis, from samsrij,
T.B. i. 8, 1, 1, Cat. B. v. 4, 5. 3. As in Sinhalese throughout,
so we find in Pali already a limited number of instances where
j passes into d, and c to s, seldom into t : digucchati and
jigucchati=j\igu\)8atif 4 to despise;' tudampati compared with
jayampati and jampati, Dath. iv. 25, see Childers s. v. ; digac-
chd and jighacckd=jigha,t8ii, 6 hunger,' Pischel Beitr. iii. 249 ;
pariccadi from jpariccajati— parity aj, 'to forsake.' So s for c or
ch in ussita = ucchrita, 'lofty,' Dip. 19, Suttavibh. i. 79 (ucchita,
Ab. 708), and its compound samussita in a passage of Papanca
Sudani Alwis. Intr. 79 ; another sa>rcwmYa=samuccita, ' accu-
mulated,' occurs at Dh. v. 147; ussaya, Suttavibh. ii. 224, must
mean ' dispute, quarrel,' but I am not sure about its ety-
mology ; ussati, various reading, Ang. i. 5, o, is explained by
Morris as being the present of ussita=ucchritsL, but I doubt
very much the correctness of this identification ; wssa = ucca,

20

PALI GRAMMAR.

4 distinguished,' Fausboll, S. N. 164: t for c in tikicchd =
cikitsa, 4 medicine ;' uttittha for ucchittha— ud + cishta, 'left
over,* M. i. 24, 1, Mil. 213, 214;, see also Vinaya texts i. 152 ;
vitacchiJed = vicarcika, 4 scabies.' In upacikd, 4 white ant' =
Skt. upadika, the Pali seems to have retained the original
palatal, while the Skt. has turned it into the dental : see
Trenckner, P. M. 62. In kasina =kr\tsna, 4 entire/ and dosina
=jyautsna, 4 clear, spotless,' I believe the t to be dropped
first, and then the consonants to have been separated by
svarabhakti (see above, and Ascoli, Krit. Stud. 249).

(3) Cerebrals. — Aa in all Indian vernaculars cerebralization
has been carried in Pali much further than in Sanskrit, although
not so far as in Sinhalese and some other Prakrits. The op-
posite process, viz. change of a Skt. cerebral to a dental in
Pali is very rare: ce/a&#=cetaka, 4 servant,' Suttavibh.il 66,
Cariy. ii. 4, 7; kottJiuka^kroshtk, 'jackal,' Mil. 23, 118 {hot-
fhuka, Jat. ii. 108) ; dendima= dmdima, 4 drum,' Jat.i. 355; din-
dima, Dip. 86, Bv. i. 32, may either be the same or=dundubhi,
4 kettle-drum ;' dindibha = tittibha, 4 name of a bird/ Ab. 643 ;

=kurvana, 4 doing.' In &Mww = sthanu, 4 the stump of
a tree,' I believe the spelling with the dental to be the correct
one, as we have it Dh. 107, Mil. 34, and in Jchdnuka, Jat. i.
483 \ as for khanati, which Trenckner, Pali Misc. 58, 59,
believes to have influenced khdnu, it is also spelt with the
dental in several instances, and where it is spelt with the cere-
bral this can be easily accounted for by assuming a confusion
with the root, 4kshan.' 6rAa?2# = gbrana, 4 the nose,' is always
spelt with the dental; gona, 4 bullock,' spelt gona, Jat. ii. 300,
is derived from the root gur, 4 to growl ;' gonaka most probably
=gaunika, 4 a woollen coverlet/ Gr. 9, M. v. 10, 4 (comp.
Pischel, Beitr. iii. 236). Besides, we have the dental instead of

CONSONANTS.

27

the cerebral in the terminations of the aorist — z££^0=ishtbas,
-ittha =\$h\a.

The Pali has one sound belonging to the cerebral class
which does not exist in classical Samskrit, but only in the
dialect of the Vedas, viz. the cerebral Z, distinguished from
the dental by a dot under the line. It is very difficult to give
exact rules for the use of this / as the manuscripts are even
less consistent in this respect than with regard to the dental
and cerebral n. Generally speaking, I or Ih between two
vowels represents d, dh, but we find it used promiscuously also
for the dentals. I have collected a number of instances from
Pali texts which will illustrate the use of these sounds : dlulati
Pat. xvi., but dlulati Jat. i, 25, ii. 9, dloldpeti Alw. i. 103 ;
£wZ>£w7a=budbuda, 'a bubble,' Jat. i. 68, bubbulaka, Samanta
Pasad. 336, but bubbula, Mah. 175, 213, Att. 10, 190, bubbu-
laka, Dh. 31, 336j praldsa, ' leaf,' Dh. 42, but paldsa, 'pride,'
Mil. 289 ; kabala, 6 mouthful,' Pat. 22, Mah, 121, but kabala,
Jat. i. 68, Mil. 180, kabalikd, M. vi. 14, 5 ; kukkula, ' hot
ashes,' Ab. 36, but kukkula, Jat. i. 73, 423 ; mala, 1 pavilion,'
M. iii. 5, 9, but mala, Gr. 2, Mil. 16, 47; cola, ' cloth,' Pat. 86,
Mah. 219, colalca, C. v. 9, 4, but cola, Mil. 74, colaka, M. i. 25,
15, Mil. 53; celukkhepa, 'waving a cloth,' Mah, 99, 113, but
celukkhepa, Samanta Pasad. 336; gdlha, ' deep,' Jat. ii. 75, but
gdlha, Jat. i. 155, gdlhaka, Jat. i. 265 ; gddha also is found in
a later text, Saddhammopayana, v. 394.

(4) Dentals. — The change of a dental to a cerebral is
generally caused by a preceding r in the original form of the
word; for instance, pajjunna = parj&T\y'd, Mah. 129 (pojjunna,
Jat. i. 331), 'cloud,' katdkata —kritkkrita, 'done and undone,'
M. vi. 14, 7, but katdkata, Dh. v. 50; s«Mata=samskrita,
' Samskrit,' in a passage of Buddhaghosa quoted C. 322 but

28

PALI GRAMMAR.

sakkata, Kacc. 10; pdsanda, 4 heretical,' most probably =
parshadya, Kern, A9oka, 58. In a great many instances,
however, an r has no effect on a following dental, as in mud-
dikd = mridhvika, M. vi. 35, 6 ; in attha = artha, ' cause,' also
spelt attha and atta ; in the verb vattati, 4 to begin,' = vartate
(vattati means 'to be right,' see Childers, s. v.); pati and pati=
prati (see Childers, s. v.) ; sithila, 4 loose,' and sathila, 4 crafty,'
both from crath (comp. Hem. i. 89), sdthalika, Ang. ii. 5, 3. The
n of the preposition ni preceded by^>#=pra is always changed
into n, as, e.g., panidahati= pra,mdha,; sifter pari it is generally
changed, as in parindyaka, Mil. 38, Jat. ii. 393 ; we find, how-
ever, also parindyaka, Mah. 63, Mahaparin. 5, and parinaya—
parinaya, 4 marriage,' Ab. 318, parinibbdna, parinitthanti, S. P.
332. On the other hand we have also instances where the
change of a dental into a cerebral is not due to a preceding r,
as in sund=cunk, 4 a slaughter-house,' also spelt sund, M. vi.
10, 2, Suttavibh. i. 59; jannu = janu, 'knee,' Mahaparin.
69, Ab. 742; sa&wraa=cakuna, 'a bird;' sakkuridti =caknoti,
4 to be able sanim, sanikam= q&n&is, 4 slowly ' or * quickly ;'
sobhana = cobhana, 'resplendent;' dinna, past participle
of dd, 4 to give,' in pariyddinna, Mil. 289 ; kavittha and ka-
pittha, Jat. i. 237, = kapittha, 4 the tree Feronia Elephantum ;'
kapithana=kvapit2LnsL, 4 the tree Thespesia Populneoides,' Sut-
tavibh. ii. 35; patisalldna = pratisamlayana, 4 seclusion,' spelt
with the dental, Dip. 63, Jat. ii. 77 and Mil. 138, v. \.',patisal-
Z£rca=pratisamlina, 4 secluded,' spelt with the dental, M. ii. 1,
2 ; vipdteti = vipateti, 4 to crush,' C. v. 11, 1, if the reading
introduced by Oldenberg is correct, but perhaps we ought to
stick to vipphddetvd, given by the manuscripts, and derive this
form from visphur with change of r to d, as in some other
instances given below, p. 33. VibM{aka= vibhitdka, 4 beleric

CONSONANTS.

2^

myrobalan/ Ab. 567, Jat. ii. 161, spelt with the dental, M. vL
6, Att. 213 ; vidaddhatd—Yidagdh&ik, ' gallantry/ Att. 199 ;
t^wafo=unnata, ' high,' Ab. 289, unnametave, Eausb. S. N. xi.,
unnati, ib. 158; sanati=8V3m, ' to sound/ Mil. 414, but sanita,
Ab. 747, sanantd, Fausb. S. N. 131. In some cases the change
of the dental to the cerebral is due to the influence of a sibi-
lant, as in most derivatives of the root stha, ' to stand/ e.g.,
£Aawo=sthaman or sthamas, 'strength/ Gr. 121, v. L, Kacc.
315, Sutta Nipata, 34, ap. Senart, Mahavastu, 628, spelt also
ihdmo several times(comp. Hem. iv. 267), Ma?z#==sthana, £ stand-
ing/ tkapeti, caus., &c; exceptions are ^£%?a£ta=indraprastha,
'name of a town/ m«;}'^ato=madhyastha, 'impartial/ where
the aspiration is dropped besides, and santhdgdra^ssLmsihk +
agara, ' a royal rest-house/ M. vi. 31, 1, Mahaparin. 60. In
derivations of the root vas, ' to dwell/ we find the cerebral and
the dental used promiscuously. The past part, is vuttha or
u(tha, Kacc. 291 ; in composition adhivattha, Jat. i. 99, adhi-
vuttha, Mahapar. 23, upavuttha, Cariy. ii. 3, 2, parivuttha, Pat.
6 : for the absolutive parivatthabba in the same line we should
adopt the reading given in the foot-note. The roots dah ' to
burn/ and das ' to bite/ take the cerebral d in those forms
where there is no cerebral in the second syllable ; there are,
however, exceptions to this, as dayheyya, Mil. 84, Att. 192,
208, Dath. iii. 10, upadamseti, Suttavibh. ii. 309 ; in some com-
positions of dak the d is changed to /, as in vilayhase (v. 1. vilay-
hase and vidayhase), Jat. ii. 220, dldhana, 'a cemetery/ pari-
Idha, ' fever, pain.'

D is often changed to Z, as in dlimpana, ' light '=zddipana,
Mil. 43; dlimpdpeti, ' to kindle/ Suttavibh. i. 85; <M#/a=dau-
hrida, ' the longing of a pregnant woman/ and dohalim, Jat. ii.
395, Kacc. 203, bila—vida, ' part, bit;' in bilasd, Kacc. 91, bilaso,

30

PALI GHAMMAB.

Kh. 30, w7?/ = udu, 4 lunar mansion,' dve7d=&pida, Prak. amela,
Hem. i. 105, 202, 234; &0w7^ra=kovidara, ' Bauhim'a variegata;'
uldra—uiUirn, 'noble'.' Dh passes into I in gharagolikd = gT\\\a-
godhika, 'lizard.' N is changed to / in ela — enas, 4 fault,'
nela, ' faultless,' from the same, not as Trenckner suggests,
from nariya (Childers, add. 8. v.): comp. anelaka, Senart,
Mahavastu 572, pilandhati = pinah, 'to wear,' pilandhitvd,
Jit i. 100.

Change of d to y, forming an analogy to the ya-cruti of the
Jainaprakrit, occurs in goydna—godtinsi, in Aparagoydna, 'name
of one of the four Mahadipas, sdyati, * to taste,' = svadate,
kJidyita=\ihM\ta, 'eaten,' and kdyitabba, C. v.34:,vikkhdyita/:a,
4 one of the Asubhakammatthanas,' Kern, Buddhism, 402.
Avdhayi, Jit. ii. 354, must be derived from the root had, which
we have in ohaddmase of the following verse.

I here add those cases where t is changed to / and t to r
without being able to decide whether we have to adopt an
intermediate form with d, d or not: «/aiw==atavi, 'name of a
city in India;' a/aw&tf = atavika, ' dwelling in forests;' kakkhala
=kakkhata, 'hard, solid,' Prak. kakkhada, Pischel, Beitr. iii.
251 {kakkata, Mah. 57); khela=z\theta, 'saliva,' in Jcheldpaka,
C. vii. 3, l=khetatmaka according to Kern, Buddhism, 180;
&wZ«w&<3=kutanka, ' roof,' in kularikapddaka, C. vi. 3, 4 (v. L
kulunkap0); ^<2/a^am = pataccara, ' old clothes.'

(5) Labials. — P is changed to m in sumanta = supanta,
'sleeping,' Mil. 3G8 ; dhiimdyati = dhupayati, 'to fumigate,'
Jat. i. 360, Samanta Pasad. 315, Dip. 83. Bh is changed to m
in dindima=dundnbh\, ' a drum ; ' m is changed to v in vimams
= mimams, Kacc. 243.

(6) Half-vowels:—

(a) Y is often changed to v, as in Kya=kiyant, 'how

CONSONANTS.

31

much;' tivangika=tryahg\ka, 4 having three angas,' Saddham-
mop. v. 65; tivangul a = try ahgula, ' triangular,' Samanta Pasad.
336 ; Jcanduvati = kandiiyati, ' to scratch,' Suttavibh. i. 117 ;
r/zzyavtf=mrigaya, ' hunting,' M. x. 2, 15; navutta^n&yuta,, 'a
large number,' Db. 143 ; s«wj9^«;?^=samparyarika, ' friend,'
Mahaparinibb. 6, Peer, Etudes Bouddh. 51, Weber, Indische
Streifen, iii. 397; pativimsa or pativisa, M. vii. 11, 1, C. xii. 1,
1, Suttavibh. i. 60=pratyamca, ' portion,' with samprasarana,
i»twi0==vijana, ' lonely,' Cariy. i. 1, 3 ; pavecchati, 'to give,'
Jat. i. 28, Mil. 375, is identified with some hesitation to payac-
chati by Trenckner, Pali Misc. 61. Y is changed to b in
pubba = puya, 'pus, matter;' jaldbu = jarayu, 'the womb;'
nibbujjhati =mryudh, 6 to struggle,' C. i. 13,2, Suttavibh. i.
180, partic. nibbuddha, Gr. 9, Mil. 232 ; to bk in sarabhu—
sarayu, ' name of a river.'

Y is changed to r in Jculira=hul\ya, ' mattress,' according
to Buddhaghosa, Suttavibh. ii. 40, 357, Pat. 86, spelt kulira,
C. vi. 2, 3; vedhavera = vaidhaveya, ' the son of a widow;'
sdmanera= crhmaney a, 'a novice,' Kacc. 188; bdhi?* a ==b&hy a,
' external' (bdhit/a, Jat. i. 422); anta?wrati= antarayati^ 'to run
into danger.' It is changed to I in latthi = yashti, 'stick,'
jotalati = jyotayati, ' to lighten,' Kacc. 234, upakkamdlati ~
upakramayati, 'to manoeuvre,' ib. 235 ; to h in nahuta=nayuta,
'a vast number,' ranafij aha =Tananjay a, 'victorious in the
battle,' Mil. 21, Trenckner, Pali Misc. 83, sahampati—sYayam-
pati, 'epithet of Brahma,' M. i. 5,5, Vinaya Texts, i. 86,
upatthdhaka=upa\\\\ay aka, C. i. 18, 5. Y is changed to j (as
in Prakrit, see E. M. Beitrage zur Gramm. d. Jainaprak. p. 31)
in j ant dghar a, jantaggha=z yantragriha, 'bath-room,' Oldenberg
K. Z. xxv. 325.

(b) Fis changed to y in ddya=da ra, 'forest ' ddyapdla, M.

a 2

PALI GEAMMAE.

x. 4, 2, comp. Senart, Mahavastu, 633, Idyati, 'to reap,' Jat. i.
215, and Idyeti, Suttavibh. i. 64: = Idveti, clidya = cava, 'the
young of an animal,' Ten Jat. iii. (generally chdpa), caccara=
catvara, ' a courtyard,' through an intermediate catyara. Vis
changed to b in paribbamna, ' abiding,' from vas, Fausb. S. N".
xii. 152; vdrabdna = varavana, 'a woman's jacket;' sibbana,
' sewing,' = sivana, and sibbini, 'a needle,' M. viii. 1, 18, comp.
Prak. sivvini, Pischel Beitr. iii. 260 (most probably from false
analogy of s^6afo'=sivyate, 'to sew'); subbaco = siiv8Lcas1 'com-
pliant;' subbutthi suvrisbti, ' abundance of rain;' thabaka=z
stavaka, 'a cluster of blossoms;' balibadda=ba\ivsLTAa,, 'an ox;'
sambdhati— samvah, 'to shampoo,' Jat. i. 293, Suttavibh. i. S3;
sdribd= qhrixii, 'name of a plant;' kabal a =kava\a, 'mouthful;'
kabalikd=ka\a\ikai, 'compress,' M. vi. 14, 5.

Vis hardened to^> in /o/?&=lava, 'quail,' Jat. ii. 59; pajdpati
= prajavati, 'wife;' pettdpiy a = pitrivy a, 'cousin,' Trenckner,
Pali Misc. 62; ^#Za^a=palava, ' chaff;' chdpa = qsiva, 'the young
of an animal ;' opildpeti, ' to sink,' M. iv. 1, 3, vi. 26, 6, ac-
cording to Trenckner, Pali Misc. 63, from plu (Childers, add.
derives it from pid); avdpurati, 'to open ' apdpunanti amatassa,
dvdram, It. 84, v. 2, and pdpurati or pdrupati, 'to dress,' from
var; apaddna= avadhna, 'legend;' and also sapaddnam, 'regu-
larly,' (Trenckner, Mil. 428, derives it from sapadi + ayana,
which I do not quite understand) = sa+avadana, according to
Senart, Mahavastu, 595; 5wpaw« = suvana, 'dog,' Mil. 147; dhopana
= dhovana, 'cleaning,' Jat. ii. 117; sipdtikd=$i\kyik3L, M. vi. 7.
C. v. 11, 2, 27, 3 (in the two latter passages, however, it seems
to have another meaning — Buddhaghosa explains it by kosaka,
' a sheath').

(7) Liquids: —

The change of r to I is frequent enough in Pali, although not

CONSONANTS.

33

quite so frequent as in some other Indian dialects, especially
the Magadhi of the inscriptions. Instances are ludda= raira,
'dreadful/ Trenckner, Pali Misc. 59; lujjati=r\ij, 'to break,'
M. viii. 21, 1 (Dhm. vinase), and its compound palujjati, M. iii.
5, 9, Mahaparinibb. 40 ; paloka, ' the necessity of dissolution,'
ib. ; *a^;W^«=sarjarasa, 6 resin,' M. vi. 7 ; eldluka = ervaruka,
'cucumber,' Jat. i. 205, 312; tfZawrf#=eranda, 'Ricinus,' Assa-
layanasutta 35; saZ#/fl=sarala, 'a flower,' Jat. i. lS;putkuloma
=prithuroman, 'a fish;' the preposition pari in palibodha,
1 hindrance,' which, according to Childers, is the result of a con-
fusion between parirodha and paribddka; palibuddhati, 6 to
hinder,' paligha = parigha, ' an iron beam;' paligedha, a com-
pound of gedha, ' greed,' Ang. ii. 4, 7 (it has nothing to do with
the Sinhalese pali, 4 reverend,' in the Tissamaharama inscrip-
tion) ; palipanna=ipa,ri])dLrma, 'covered,' M. viii. 26, 1 ; paligun-
thita, 'entangled' (also spelt palikundhita, Jat. ii. 92); pdligun-
thima, 'laced,' M. v. 2, 3; palivetheti = parivesht, 'to wrap
up,' phdlibhadda, Jat. ii. 163 = paribhadra, ' the coral tree,'
Prak. phdlihadda, Hem. i. 232, 254 ; sukhumdla = sukumara,
' youthful,' by amalgation with sukhuma, Trenckner 66 ; agalu
=aguru, ' Agallochum ;' vdla=vkr, ' water;' Jcatula = katura,
' buttermilk,' M. vi. 17, 1, Suttavibh. i. 66.

B is changed to d in />emWacfo==purandara, 'a name of
Iudra,-' also written purinda, Cariy. i. 9, 3, sdrandada, 'name of
a yakkha,' Mahaparin. 4; it is changed to y in sdyamya=z
saraniya, according to Senart Mabavastu 599 (see above, p. 21),
mdtyd, petyd = matra, pitra, Jat. 527, v. 3, 5, 528, v. 26,
Trenckner, Pali Misc. 56.

L is changed to r in dhuratiy from dkula, ' troubled ; ' the
Dhm. v. 94 has a verb kura saddddanesu, which possibly may
be identical with dkurati, although it is not known from any

D

PALI GRAMMAR.

other text; hira as kila, * they say;' drammana = alambana,
'support,' ar«?y«ra=alinjara, 4 water-jar.'

L is changed to n in naldta = lalata, 4 forehead ;' nangala =
larigala, 4 plough ;' nangula = lahgula, 4 tail dehani — dehali,
'threshold;' tintini =tinti\i, 4 the tamarind tree,' comp. tintin-
anta, Jat. i. 243.

(8) Sibilants:—

As there is only one sibilant in Pali, 9 and sh are also
represented by $. There are, however, a few exceptions to this
rule : 9 is represented by ch in chava = 9ava, 4 corpse,' M. iii.
12, 7, and as an adjective 1 vile,' chdpa and chdya, 4 the young
of an animal,' cheppd = 9epa, 4 tail ; ' it is represented by d in
ddha = 9aka, 4 pot-herb,' M. vi. 35, 6 ; 36, 8.

H sometimes returns to its original medial aspirate, and this
gives us Pali forms which are older than the corresponding
ones in Sanskrit : the root nah in composition with api, ava,
upa, vi, gives pilandhati, onandhati^ upanandhati, vinandhati ;
these forms show us that the original form of the root was
nadh and not nagh, as one would feel inclined to think from
comparing the Latin necto, (see Whitney's Samskrit Grammar,
p. 76.) Similar forms are agghati, 4 to cast,' compared with
arahati, dubbhati, 4 to cheat,' = druh, Jat. i. 267, iii. 13, 192,
and the adjectives belonging to the same root, dubhin, Jat. ii.
386, dubhaka, J&t. i. 363; adrubhdya, 'truly, without falsehood,'
M. x. 2, 17 ; g7iammati=ha,mma,tiy 'to go,' Naigh. 2, 14, Prak.
bammai, Hem. iv. 162, Hala 694, ghanna, 4 destruction,' from
ban ; the root har is found in its older form in sarngharitabba
v. L to samharitabba, M. i. 25, 10. Dh. 143.

A curious change of h to s occurs in senesika = snaihika
4 oily,' M. vi. 1, 4, and <7oJwa =goliha, 4 name of a plant.'

GENERAL REMARKS ON CONSONANTS.

35

§ 9. General Remarks referring to Consonants of
Different Classes.

(1) Aspiration is very frequent in Pali with hard and soft
consonants. Instances are: satthi—qaikti, 'ability,' dhona=i
drona, 4 a measure of capacity,' Dh. 43, Fausb. S. N. 58, 149 ;
sukhumdla = sukumara, * youthful ;' thambhakari= stambakari,
'rice;' kincikkka=kmcid +ka, 4 some trifle;' khalopi =karoti,
k pot,' Mil. 107, according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. 60 (also
spelt kalopi); JO«n^a=Skanda, 4 the god Skanda,' through
confusion with khandha, 4 shoulder ;' paccaggha = pratyagra,
'new ;? phdliphulla, 'in full blossom,' Jat. i. 52, Mahaparin. 53 ;
phdlibh-adda = paribhadra, Jat. ii. 163; pMsu, 4 agreeable,' =
pracu according to Trenckner, Pali Misc. 81 — I have derived it,
following Paul Goldschmidt, from a hypothetical form smarcu
(see my contrib. to Sinh. Gr. p. 13, note); phdsuM^^kvqukk,
4 a rib,' also written pdsukd, C. x. 10, 1; phussa=p\i8hya,
'name of a month,' and phussita =pmhpita, 'blossoming;'
phdrusaka=psiru9sika, 4 G-rewia Asiatica,' M. vi. 35, 6 ; phalu
= paru, 4 joint;' phaUava^paWsiva, 4 sprout,' Jat. iii. 40; saii-
khalikd = sankalika, 4 heap,' Jat. i. 433, Suttavibh. i. 105, Ang.
p. 114, through confusion with sankhalika, 4 chain,' Senart,
Mahavastu 387 ; the reverse process is found in Prak., where
crihkhala is changed to samkala, according to Hem. i. 189 ;
valabhdmukha= vadabamukha, erdpatka=2i\rsivata, 4 king of the
Nagas, Jat. ii. 145 = C. v. 6, spelt erapatta Saddhammopayana
v. 349, erakapatta, Dh. 344 ; dpdtka=apkta< 'path,' Trenckner,
Mil. 298, M. v. 1, 25, Samanta Pas. 300; sunakha, fdog/ and
lamakha, 4 vile,' Jat ii. 430, are most probably older forms, as

36

PALI GRAMMAR.

we have the aspiration also in Prak. sunaho, Hem. i. 52,
Pischel Beitr. vi. 92.

(2) The aspiration is dropped in Mwda=kshudha, 4 hunger ;'
Jehudita, * hungry ;' i^a^w£*a==upadhicesha (and with change
of the position of the component parts sesopddi, Dath. ii. 36),
Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 437, ff. ; 7/m/ta==mrishta, 4 polished ;'
abhivafta=SLbhivrieih\n, 4 wet from rain/ Mil. 176; anovatta,
Jat. i. 18 ; patanga = phadinga, 4 flying insect ;' paggava =
phalgava, from phalgu, 'herb,' Jat. ii. 105; anangana, 4 free
from impurity,' compared with anhas, 4 sin,' Jainaprak. anan-
haya (E. M. Beitr. p. 33); rajovajalla and rajojalla, Ass. S. 13,
Jat. i. 390, * dust and dirt,'= rajas +jhalla, comp. Jainapr. jalla,
E. M. Beitr. 34 ; ap^'^==avadhya, 4 to reflect,' Senart, Maha-
vastu 377 ; a curious instance of dropped aspiration is Jed,
Jat. ii. 258=kha, 'spring,' Naigh., and perhaps we have to
notice the same process in Jcakkdreti, 4 to express disgust,' Jat.
ii. 105, Five Jat. 2d,=^khdt or khdt + Mreti, which, however,
might be also derived, with Childers, from Mt + kdreti. As in
Greek, two aspirations are not allowed in two syllables fol-
lowing each other, and when this happens the first is dropped,
as, e.g., nikkaddhati Tzniahkri&h, 4 to cast out.'

(3) There are also instances where the aspirate drops its
first part and h alone remains, as is done frequently in Samskrit
and later on in all the vernaculars. I believe, however, that a
number of instances, especially those with bh, are only due to
the bad writing of the Sinhalese, in whose alphabet h and bh
are so easily confounded ; M. i. 1, 3, four MSS. have the form
have, but Buddhaghosa reads bhave, which shows us clearly the
etymology of the word ; the same process can be observed in
the form hupeyya, M. i. 6, 9 (according to Trenckner, Pali
Misc. p. 62, a Burmese error for huveyya). Other instances

GENERAL REMARKS ON CONSONANTS.

37

are momuhato from momugha, 4 foolish,' Fausb. S. N. 161, ruhira
= rudhira, 4 blood/ Jat. i. 274, ii. 276, Cariy. i. 9, 13, C. vii.
3, 9 ; at Bhikkhunipac. 60, Minayeff, p. 108, reads ruhita, the
Suttavibh. ii. 316 ruhita with the v. 1. rudhita, 1 boil.' Suhita,
Jat. xx. 1, 4, quoted by Minayeff, § 43, is = Skt. suhita and
not sukhita.

(4) Softening of a hard consonant, that is to say, substi-
tution of a so d ant for a surd, is frequent enough in Pali, as
in pasada= prishsita^ 4 the spotted antelope,' Cariy. iii. 13, 2 ;
uda=uta,, 4 or ;' rw<fo=ruta, 4 cry,! Jat. i. 207 (comp. ii. 388,
where we have the readings ruda and ruta) ; lcalandaTca?=\a.-
lantaka, 4 squirrel \\patigacca = patikacca (v. 1.) from patika-
roti, 4 to provide against future-events,' M. i. 31, 1, Trenckner
at Mil. 48, 421 ; r^afo'=vyathayati, 4 to tremble;' balasata=
parasvant, 4 rhinoceros,' Trenckner, P. M. 59; sujd=8r\xcy 4 a
ladle ;' punj for punch=pronch, 4 to wipe,' Jat. i. 47, 318, 352.
A certain instance of this change is in my opinion j hay at i=
ksha, 4 to burn,' although Trenckner, P. M. 65, objects ; I have
found several new forms of this verb and its causative jhdpeti
or jhapeti, in addition to those given by Childers : jhatvdr Jat.
ii. 262 (Comm. kilametvd); jhatta, Mah. 146, Dh. 325 ; nijjhatta,
Mil. 209, and most probably nhojdpeti, Mil. 171, which seems
to be a misprint ; comp. nijhapeti, 4 to injure,' in Anoka's pillar
edict, no. iv. Cunningham, p. 112 ; Kern, Ind. Ant. v. 273 ;
Prak. jhrjjai, Hem. ii. 3.

Instead of p we generally find v in this case, as in dveld=:
apida, 'garland;' theva=stepa, 6 drop, ' Pischel Beitr. iii. 239,
vi. 102 (Hem. ii. 125 derives it from stoka) ; posdvana, 4 sup-
porting,' according to Chi\ders=posdpana ; t>yaflata=vyaprita,
covered,' Trenckner, P. M. 63, and veyydvacca, veyydvatika,
4 service.*

88

PALI GEAMMAE.

(5) The reverse process, hardening of a soft consonant, or
substitution of a surd for a sonant, occurs in pdydka = prsL-
yaga, 4 sacrifice,' Jat. 543; ajaJcara = ajagara, 'the boa con-
strictor/ Jat. iii. 484; kildsu = glasnu, 'lazy/ Suttavibh. i. 8;
katupika, 'going up to the waist/ Jat. 119, compared with
katupaga, Suttavibh. ii. 340; durupaka, J tit. i\. 167; kulupika,
G. x. 13, 1; samsati for satnsadi, loc. of samsad, 'congregation/
Jat. iii. 493, 495 ; parisati and paricatim, loc. of parishad, Sut-
tavibh. ii. 285; kustta for kusida, 'lazy/ already in the Mait-
rayani Samhita ; pipa=piba> ' drink/ Jat. i. 459 ; pokkharasd-
ta&«=pushakarasadaka, 'name of a bird;' dhopana= dhovsin&,
'washing/ Jat. ii. 117; laketi = lageti, 'to stick;' and laka-
naka, 'anchor/ Mil. 377 ; Ma&<?fo'=sthagayati, ' to cover/ some-
times spelt thakk°.y Suttavibh. ii. 54* ; palikha = paligha, ' an
iron beam/ Jat. 545 ; chakula = chagala, ' goat/ Suttavibh. i.
166 ; eA#&tfW0=chagana, ' dung/ M. vi. 9; p alikunthit a = pari-
gunthita, ' entangled/ Jat. ii. 92 ; pabbaja = balvaja, ' reed '
(spelt babbaja, Suttavibh. i. 90) ; pappata = parvata, ' moun-
tain/ I. 0. C. 104; tippa for tibba = tivra, 'sharp/ Mil. 148;
tuvamtuva, ' quarrel ' = dvandva, through confusion with the
pronoun tvam; pdceti = pra-f aj, 'to drive/ and pdeana, ' a
goad/ Cariy. i. 1, 1 ; sateratd = catahrada, 'lightning;' jannu-
/#y^a=janudaghna, 'knee-deep/ Prak. °thaggha, Paiyal. 249;
Yamataggi= Jamadagni, 'name of a rishi;' vipdtikd =wipkd'\kkf
: abscess on the foot.' The root dhd in some derivations sub-
stitutes tJi, as pitMyati, cis covered ' = apidhiy ate (for which
the Burmese write pidMyati) ; upatheyya, 1 cushion.* A similar
process with regard to the root dhmd can be observed in san-
M«wa7w=sandhaman, 'blowing,' Jat. i. 122.

(6) An interchange between the different classes of mutes
is not infrequent in Pali. Instances are kipillika = pipilika,
' an ant3' also written piptlika^ Saddhammopayana, v. 23,

GENERAL REMARK OK CONSONANTS.

39

pipillika, Jat. i. 202 ; takkola — kakkola, 'Bdellium,' Jat. i. 291,
also used as name of a country, Mil. 359, where it most
probably corresponds to Skt. Karkota ; jalupihd = jalukika,
* a leech,' Mil. 407, originally jalauka, ' living in the water ;'
khajjopanaka = khadyota, ' the fire-fly,' Dh. 338, Dath. iii., 78 ;
gadduhana = dadrughna, * a small measure of space or time/
Trenckner, P. M. 89 ; kalopi = karoti (written khalopi, Mil. 107,
Ab. 456), 'a pot;' dlupa = aluka, 'ebony,' Jat. 446, v. 1;
chiggala = chidra+la, 'hole,' Childers, s. v. tala, Pakudha =
Kakudha, C. v. 8, 1. In most of these cases the reason of the
change is dissimilation, as we find it also in pJidsulikd = par-
cuka+ika, 'a rib,' M. i 61, 1; sallalikata = calyakikrita,
t pierced/ Jat. i. 180. Other instances are not quite so easy
to explain, such as rumbh for rudh in sannirwmbhitvd, Jat. i. 62,
80, 163, ii. 6 (v. 1. sannirujjhitvd), comp. Fausboll, Ten Jat. 93,
and sakh if this is really = sarp, as Trenckner, P. M. 60,
believes ;. perhaps we ought to derive it from cankram with a
similar abbreviation ofHhe reduplicated root, as in jaggati for
jdgarati, but I give this merely as a hypothesis. The change
of c to 8 would make no difficulty ; the dissimilation adduced
by Trenckner does not hold good for all instances, as in osakkati,
ussakkati, nissakkati, visakkiya, Suttavibh. i. 74, we have no p
in the prepositions ; comp. also Prak. osakka, ' departed/
Paiyal. 178. Khdnu, ' the stump of a tree/ is rightly referred
to Skt. sthanu by the Prak. grammarians Vararuci and
Hemacandra, and the same change of sth to kh is also adopted
for the explanation of duhkha == duhstha by Jacobi K. Z. xxv.
438 ff., comp. Ascoli 236. Chambhati is derived from stambh,
'to tremble/ by Trenckner; Ascoli, p. 256, rejects this
derivation, but does not suggest any other instead. From the
Samskrit of the northern Buddhists we might compare icchat-
tarn = itthattam ' existence/ Mahavastu, 417.

40

PALI GBAMMAR.

§ 10. Consonants Added or Dropped.

A consonant is dropped in the beginning of a word in ukd
or uka = yuka, ' louse,' Prak. uka, Pischel Beitr. iii. 241.

A consonant is added at the beginning of some verbal forms
commencing with a u, which originates from Samprasarana, as
in vuccati == ucyate, vutta = upta, 1 sown,' Mil. 375 ; vuttha
and vusita from vasati, * to dwell;' vusimat, 1 accomplished,'
Fausboll, S. N. 208. This euphonic v is not only used after
vowels but also after anusvara, and sometimes even at the
beginning of a line, as in vutthahante, Mah. 30. Where the u
is long, we have to assume two prepositions, as in vupasamati
=2 vyupa°, comp. Senart, Mahavastu, p. 441, and the same
where the v is followed by o, as in vokkamati = vyutkramc,
Hem. i. 116; and Pischel's remarks, avossajimsu, Dath. iii. 15.

In the middle of a word consonants are often elided through
Samprasarana. The syllable ya is contracted to i in maha-
bodhingana = mahabodhyangana, ' the yard of the great Bo
tree,' Mah. 176 ; pativirnsa or paiivisa, ' portion,' -=.praty am ga ;
aticchatha, * go further on,' from ati + acch ; nibbijjhati =
nirvyadb, 1 to pierce ;' saccika = satyaka, * true,' Mil. 226 ;
pattiya = pratyaya and pattiydyati, *to believe,' Jat. i. 426 v. L ;
it is contracted to e in vedhati = vyatb, 6 to tremble ; ' to * in
vUivatta = vyativritta, ' having passed ;' avivadata = avyava-
data, 1 confused,' Fausboll, S. ST. 149$ vitihdra = vyatihara,
e long step.'

The syllable yd is contracted to i in vistveti = vicyapayati,
c to warm oneself,' sometimes written visibbeti through con-
fusion with visibbati, * to unsew,' e. g., M. i. 20, 15 Pat. 15,
Suttavibh. ii. 115 ; from the same root ddyati = acyayati, 6 to

CONSONANTS ADDED OR DROPPED.

41

cool oneself,' Mil. 75; thina = styana, 'idleness,' but pa-
tthinna, * stiff/ M. viii. 11, 2; to i in anabhijjhita = anabhi-
dhyata, 1 not coveted,' M. viii. 12, 2, where, however, the y is
also contained in the group jjh ; to £ inj<?yj/0=jyayas, * better;'
ajjheyyaka = adbyayak*, 'teacher,' Rasavahini 19.

The syllable " va is contracted to u in supina = svapna,
1 sleep ;' tfwnfo = tvarita, 1 hasty ;' kuthita, ' cooked,' from
kvath, Vinaya texts, ii. 57 ; it remains doubtful whether the
root kuth, 'to be distressed,' Dhm. Mil. 250, Suttav. i. 108, is
the same ; Dh. 155 we have koddhetvd, ' having cooked ;' to o
in sobbhdnu = svarbhanu, ' the ascending node ;' sobbha =
cvabhra, ' hole,' and kassobbha, ' small water,' Fausboll, S. N.
131 ; to u in catuha sas catu + ahan, ' four days,' M. i. 72, 2.

The syllable is contracted to u in latukikd from latvaka,
1 quail ;' the syllable vi in duratta = dviratra, ' two nights.'
Dohalini; which Kacc. 203 also considers as a compound of dvi?
has nothing to do with this numeral.

Ay a and ayi are contracted to e in a great number of causa-
tive verbs and also in a few primitives, as apasseti = apacrayati,
1 to lean,' C. vi. 20, 2 ; neti = nayati, ' to lead ;' apassena =
apacrayana ; ajjhena = adhyayana, 'reading,' Jat. iii. 114,
Fausboll, S. N. 40 ; acceka = atyayika, ' accidental.' Aya and
dya are contracted to e in paleti = palayati, ' to flee to a in
Kdtiydni and ifoecaft2=Katyayani, Jat. iii. 427 ; MoggalIdna=
Maudgalyayana, ekdnika = ekayanika, Mil. 402 ; upatthdka =
upatthayaka, ' servant.' also written upatthaka with a, Bv. ii.
70 ; patisalldna = pratisamlayana, ' solitude ; ' abbhdna =
abhyayana, 'rehabilitation;' upajjha = upadhyaya, 'preceptor;'
abhinhd = abhijnaya, ' having known ; ' patisankhd = prati-
sarikhyaya, ' having reflected.'

The group ariya is first changed to ayira and then contracted

42

PALI GBAMMAR.

to era in dcera = acarya, * teacher,' Kbuddasikkha ; or to tra,
as in parihirati =p&riha,r y ati ; asamlitra — asamharya, 1 uncon-
querable,' Dip. 81.

Iya is contracted to t in &^to&a:=kiyattaka, from kijant,
'how much;' to e in etta, eUaka=ij2Ltt&, from iyant, Maha-
vastu, p. 384 ; in Prak. we have kettia and ettia, Hem. ii. 157,
Goldschmidt, Prakritica, p. 23. Trenckner takes etta to be
abridged from ettaka, Pali Misc. 65, note 23.

Ava is contracted to o very often in compounds formed with
the preposition ava, as 0/2^0= avanita, 'cleansed,' in the phrase
onitapattapdni, frequent in the Vinaya, see Vinaya Texts i. 83 ;
ojahati= RYahk, ' to forsake,' aorist passive ohiyi, Dh. 158, ohiy-
yaka, ' left behind,' Suttavibh. i. 208 ; odahati = avadha, ' to
deposit;' vossagga=vja.v8iS8Lrg8i, Lotus, 312, and avossajjimsu,
Dath. iii. 15 ; oyadha= slv ag&dha,, ' belonging to ; ' ora = avara
and avara, ' lower ' and * hither ; ' opatta = avapattra, ' without
leaves,' Jat. iii. 496; uddosita=\idsiVSLsit2Ly i stable,' M. iii. 5, 0,
C. x. 24, Suttavibh. i. 200, Ab. 213. Other instances are
paJionaka = prabhavanaka, 1 sufficient,' and pdhuna = prabba-
vana, Mah. 205 ; pona = pravana, ' sloping ; 5 opeti = avapati,
' to put,' Trenckner, Pali Misc. 78 ; osdpeti causative of avic,
' to sling,' Jat. i. 25. In anavaya = anavayava, ' perfectly
versed in,' Mil. 10, and a^p^m«=appatissava, Jat. i. 217,
the last syllable is dropped because the word was too long.

Instead of o we also find u in the same or similar cases, as
uJiadati^avahad, 1 to befoul with excrement ' (see above, p. 15);
vjjhdyati = avadhya, ' to be annoyed ; ' wind = avajna, t con-
tempt,' and unndtabba, Feer. Et. Bouddh. 128 ; dhuneyya =
ahavaniya, Mahaparin. 20 comp. the commentary to Aug. ii.
4, 4.

The group apa can undergo the same changes as ava, and it

CHANGES OF CONSONANTS AT THE END OF A WOED. 43

is sometimes difficult to find out which preposition we must
assume as the corresponding Samskrit word : ovaraka=&ipav2L-
raka, 'store-room/ Jat. i. 391; oggata= apagata in oggate suriye,
i after sunset/ Suttavibh. ii. 268, ottappa = apatrapya, ' fear of
sinning/ Senart, Mahavastu 463.

Other contractions have taken place in 0&#=udaka, 6 water;'
Kugindrd = Kucinagara ; Jcotthaka = koyashtika, ' paddy bird/
Five Jat. 36; y#ttta^^#=yantragriha, 'bath-room/ Suttavibh.
i. 55; paccusamaya = paccusasamaya, horning/ changula —
sbadangula, 1 six inches/ Mah. 211; pavissdmi for pavisissdmi,
Jat. ii. 68; sosdrita=su + osarita ; dosdrita=d\irossLr\tn, 1 duly
and unduly restored/ M. ix. 4, 11; viviccM — vicikicch a,
4 doubt;' dupadMrita = durupadh0, Suttavibh. ii. 275, the
opposite to supadhdrita, 1 well kept in mind/ M. v. 13, 9.

Metathesis is very frequent in Sinhalese, see my Contrib. to
Sinh, Grammar, p. 14 ; in Pali we have only a few instances,
as updJiand = upkiiah, 'shoe;' pdrupana for pavarana or pavu-
rana, Suttavibh. i. 180, 'upper robe/ see Pischel, Beitr. iii.
247; kasata=saka\a, ''insipid/ Mil.. 119, Dh. 275, Jat. ii. 97,
Ang. ii. 5, 5 ; cilimikd, C. vi. 2, 6 and cimilikd, Suttavibh. ii.
40, most probably go back to a form cilamilika or ciliminika,
' an ornament/ Vyut. 208, comp. Vinaya texts ii. 153.

§ 11. Changes of Consonants at the End of a Word.

According to the rule given above, p. 23, we only find
vowels or nasals at the end of a Pali word. Every nasal is
changed into anusvara and a preceding long vowel shortened
in consequence. Very often the anusvara is dropped altogether
especially in verse when a short syllable is required by the

44

PALI GRAMMAR.

metre, as etam, buddhdna sdsanam = etad buddhanam casa-
nam, 1 this is the command of the Buddhas,' Dh. v. 183.
Other cases will be treated of in the chapter on Sandhi.

Before a word beginning with a consonant the anusvara can
be changed into the nasal of the corresponding class, as in
hirin tarantam, Jat. iii. 196. Before a word beginning with
a vowel the anusvara may be changed into m, as in car am atan-
dito for caran = carant, Dh. v. 305.

The termination as generally becomes o whatever the con-
sonant beginning the next word may be, as in the nom. sing,
of a — stems almost regularly. There are a few exceptions to this
rule which are considered as Magadhisms by most grammarians.
A passage of this kind occurs in the Samannaphalasutta Gr. p.
121, n'atthi attakdre ri atthi parakdre n 'atihi purisakdre, 1 there
is no action on our part, there is no action on the part of others,
there is no human action.' Another Magadhizing passage
from Majjhima Nikaya is quoted by Trenckner, Pali Misc. p. 75 :
dnanjddhimut tas*r purisapuggalassa ye lokdmisasannojane se
vante, where we find the e used for a neuter noun. I feel sure
that a more careful study of Pali literature will furnish us a
great many more passages of this kind. They all agree in this
point, that the nom. in e is only formed of stems in a and never
of any consonantal stems, the same rule which holds good for
the Jainaprakrit, see E. M. Beitr. zur Gram. d. Jainapr. p. 38.
About the origin of this e several opinions have been advanced,
but I will not discuss them here, as the subject belongs more
especially to Prakrit grammar. The vocatives bhante and
bhikkhave are taken over directly from the Magadhi.

Besides these nominatives in e we have several adverbs termi-
nating in as, which change the as to e, as swy£=cvah, * to-
morrow tadaJie=ta.dahsLS, ' on that day,' which also occurs in

CHANGES OF CONSONANTS AT THE END OF A WOBD. 45

the form tadahu; atippage (and a^^?«yo) = atipragah, Senart,
Mahavastu 418, most probably also tdvade, ydvade, which,
however, are explained by Childers as abridged forms of tdva-
deva, ydvadeva.

The s is dropped and the a alone remains in ohamohata for
okamokatas, ' from the water/ Dh. v. 34 ; tdvatimsa = traya-
strimca, ' thirty-three ;' and with lengthening of the a, raja-
patha = rajahpatha, c dust-hole jardmarana = jaras + marana,
' decay and death.'

The syllable as is changed to u through an intermediate o in
tadahu, w#A#=mitbas, 'mutually;' viithubJieda, M. vi. 28, 8;
saj/;w=sadya8, 'instantly'

Other consonants at the end of a word are simply dropped,
and the remaining vowel generally is not changed. There are,
however, some cases where it is lengthened, shortened, or a
nasal is added : —

(1) It is lengthened in dM = dhik, ' fie ;' brahd = brihat,
' mighty ;' ^?arisa=parishad, ' assembly.'

(2) It is shortened, as in Jcayira for kayird = kuryat, Das.,
Jat. 28; a*«a=syat, &c.

(3) A nasal is added, as in the verbal terminations wwi-=us,
«yywm=eyyus, wwm=ishus, s#wtfm=sanat, 'always;' sanim=.
9anais, 1 slowly or 1 quickly,' Mah. 156 ; visum = vishvak,
'separately;' &Aa#w»=kritvas, a form which occurs also in the
Samskrit of the northern Buddhists, see Senart, Mahavastu 541 ;
manam = manak, 'nearly,' Jat. i. 149, M. ii. 12, 1, the same
form in Prak. Hem. ii. 169; my 001 ==tiryak, * across.'

46

PALI GRAMMAR.

§ 12. Compound Consonants.

Compound consonants are generally assimilated, as in all
Prakrit dialects. Sometimes flie assimilation is avoided by
inserting a vowel, as we have seen above, p. 12. In tbe
beginning of a word, instead of a double surd or sonant result-
ing from assimilation, a single surd or sonant is written, and
instead of a surd or sonant aspirate only tbe aspirate.

The assimilation is generally progressive, so that the first
consonant is assimilated to the second, especially so with ex-
plosives.

Kt becomes tt in mw^a = mukta, ' released 9 (but kk in pati-
mukka, ' fixed'); sa£^'=cakti, 'power' (also written satthi) ;
sattu=$&ktu, 'barley* (also written satthu at Pat. 89) ; sip pi
* pearl oyster,' which Trenckner, Pali Misc. 60, identifies with
cukti, I believe to be borrowed from some vernacular language.

Kth becomes tth, as satthi=q'dkthiy 'thigh.'

GdTt becomes ddh, as in duddha=dugdha, 'milk.'

G + bh — bbh: jpa&6Mm = pragbhara, 'a cave.'

D+g=gg: khagga=khsidgSL, 'a sword.'

T+Ic=kk: ukkdra=z ntkarsi, 6 dung.'

T+p=pp : uppatati =utpat, * to jump.'

D+g=gg: puggala=pudga\a, 'individual.'

D+gh=ggh: uggharati=\id+ghrl, 'to ooze.'

D + b=zbb: bubbula=.budbudsL, 'a bubble.'

D+bh=bbh: ubbhijjati=zud -fbhid, i to burst ;' ubbhitodaka
=udbhritodaka, Gr. 140.

P+t=tt: vutta=upta, * shaven.'

B+j—jj i pafikuijetiz=z prati + kubj, 'to cover,' Jat. i. 50, 69,
Mahaparin. 56, Mahavastu 377.

COMPOUND CONSONANTS.

47

B + d=dd : $adda=qabda, ' a sound.'

£ + dh=ddh: laddha=\abdha,, ' taken.'

When an explosive meets a following nasal the assimilation
is generally retrogressive, or is avoided by the insertion of a
vowel. There are, however, some instances also of progressive
assimilation : —

K+n becomes kk in sahhoti or sakkundti (where the double
k can only be explained by false analogy) = caknoti, ' to be
able;' &w&tos#=kiknasa, 'grain,' C. x. 27, 4.

K+m = mm: rummavati = rukmavati, 'name of a verse,'
Vuttod. ap. Fryer, Pali Studies, p. 8.

G+n=gg in aggi or aggini=zagn\, 'fire,' Kacc. 54, Jat. iii.
320; gini, S. Jf. 3.

Gh + n=ggh: viggha=vig\ma, 6 obstacle.'

J+n=nn: annd^ajnk, 'order.' [In ondta and avandta=
avajata, Mow born,' Pat. 83, and kolanna=ku\eija, ' high born/
Mil. 256, the roots jan smdjnd are confounded.]

D + m: kudumala=zkudm&\a, ' a bud.'

T+n : sapatti = sapatni, ' hostile/ but gahapatdm = griha-
patni, 4 house-wife,' ratana=T&tnaf 'jewel.'

T+m: attd and dtumd=ktma, 'self;' ^wwo=tmana, Olden-
berg K. Z. xxv. 319.

Th+n=tth : a^Am^^^=abhimathnati, 'to grind.'

D+m : c^#id#= chad man, 4 roof ;' paduma =padma, ' lotus ;'
<fotfiww=dadmi, 4 1 give.'

D^+7t : fomda=budhna, ' the root of a tree.'

Dh + m : idhuma = idhma, ' fire-wood ;' venudhama = venu-
dhma, ' a flute-player and from the same root uddhumayati=
uddhma, ' to be blown up.'

F+n: pappoti and pdpunati=^xk^uot\, 'to obtain;' supina
and $0£pa=svapna, 'sleep.'

48

PALI GRAMMAR.

P+m: ^a^i?wa=papman, 1 sinful.'

Groups containing a nasal and following explosive generally
remain unchanged ; the following are exceptions : —

Ne becomes fin in panndsa = pancacat, 1 fifty ;' nn in pan-
nuvtsam = pancavirr^ati, ' * twenty-five,' Jat. iii. 138 ; nn in
pannarasa, i fifteen,' pannarasi, 4 the day of the full or new
moon/ com p. Sinh. panas, Prak. panavanna, Pischel, Beitr. iii.
245.

Nj becomes nn in vinniivd and vinndpetod from vrinj, Sut-
tavibh. ii. 264, but dvinji, Suttavibh. i. 127, dvinjand, ib. 121,
and with hardening of the,/ to ch, dvinchand, C. v. 14, 3, 4.

Nd becomes nn in punnarika = pundarika, 1 lotus,' in a pas-
sage of the Ang. quoted by Oldenberg, Buddha 424 ; simplified
in bhanaka =bhandak&, 'a jar;' dd in de ddubh a =dund\ibha} 1 a
kind of lizard.'

Mb becomes mm in ammd = amba, ' mother drammana =
alambana, * support.'

When two nasals meet progressive assimilation takes place,
as in ummagga = unmarga, i an underground watercourse,'
?wffta=nimna, 'deep.'

Groups containing y generally assimilate the same to the
other element. If, however, the first element is a dental the
whole group passes into the palatal class. In many cases the
assimilation is avoided by the insertion of an i or the group
remains unchanged.

(1) Gutturals : ussukka = autsukya, * zeal f sokhiya =
saukhya, * happiness ;' aMyato==akhyata, * announced ;' yogga
=yogya, ' proper.'

(2) Palatals : vuccati = ucyate, pass, of vac ; joti = jyotis,
Might;' jiyd and jyd = jya, ' the bow-string;' and adejjha =
adhijya, Jat. iii. 274.

COMPOUND CONSONANTS.

49

(3) Cerebrals: kudda = kudya, 'a wall;' ddhya, addha =
adhya, ' rich ;' jpwwila=punya, 4 good.'

(4) Dentals : dhacca = ahritya for aharya, ' having told ;'
w/m£c<2 = avaliadya, ' having befouled ekacca—ek&tya, ' a cer-
tain/ according to Senart, Mahavastu 388, comp. ekacciya,
M. viii. 14, 2 (Childers and Trenckner, Pali Misc. 56 derive it
from ekatara) ; dvajjati=&vadhya., ' to consider ;' aniia= any a,
4 other caVea = cintya for cintayitva. The assimilation does
not take place in cetya, cetiya = caitya, ' a relic-shrine ;' vyat-
taya = vyatyaya, * opposition pataggi = pratyagoi, ' fire in
return;' pdtanki = pratyarikin, 'a sedan chair,' M. viii. 10,3;
pdtekka from pratyeka, ' singly ' (the regular form pacceka
occurs frequently) ; pasidiya = prasidya, ' believing,' Mah. 5 ;
in compositions with ud we obtain the group yy, as uyyoga =
udyoga, ' departure.'

(5) Labials : tappati—tapy&te, pass, of tap ; labbhati =\nhh-
yate, pass, of labh; lepya=lepya, 'plastering.'

(6) After r we generally find epenthesis, as in dcariya =
acarya, 'teacher;' suriya = surya, 'sun;' and sometimes the
position of the sounds is inverted so that we have the group
yir instead of the group riy9 as in ayira = arya, Jat. ii. 349 ;
bhayird~bh&ry&, 'wife;' kayird— kury (it optative, and kayirati
= kriyate, passive of kar. Besides, we have cases of retro-
gressive and progressive assimilation ; when retrogressive assi-
milation takes place we get the group yy and sometimes a
single y, when progressive assimilation, we obtain a single r,
as this consonant cannot be doubled, with a long vowel before
it. Instances are: ayya = arya, ' noble ;' jigyati, jiyati, and
jirati=yav, ' to grow old ;' seyyasi= qiryas\, from car, ' to decay,'
Jat. i. 174, Dh. 147 ; paripurati = paripuryate, 4 to be filled.'
The group ry is changed to 11 in vipaUdsa=\ipsLryksa, 'change,'

E

50

PALI GBAMMAB.

Suttavibh. i. 7 : pallanka = paryahka, ' coueh ;' pallattha =
paryasta, ' posture,' Jat. i. 163.

L~\-y is either preserved or assimilated : kalydna and kalldna
= kalyana, 'fortunate/

V+y is often written by in the beginning of a word where
it represents the preposition vi; this is the spelling of the
Burmese MSS. while the Sinhalese write vy ; in a few instances
I have found it in the middle of a word, viz. &0ra&ya=kauravya,
Jat. ii. 371 ; #Jpasam&yan#=upasamvyana, ' the outer garment,'
Ab. 292. "We also find examples of assimilation in the begin-
ning, as vavatthdpeti = vyavasthapayati, 'to settle ;' vdyamati
= vyayain, ' to struggle ;' vodaka = vyudaka, 'without water;'
V0ss*y}'afo'=vyavasrij, 1 to relinquish.' In the middle of a word
vy remains as in pathavyd, Dh. 32, or is divided by i, as in
puthuviyd, Mah. 19, puthuviyam, Att. 8 ; it may however also
be assimilated to b b, as in abbocchinna = avyavachinna, 1 un-
broken,' Mil. 72; a&foAaro&a=avyavabarika, Suttavibh. i. 91;
bhdtubba = bhratrivya, ' cousin/ Balavatara, p. 36 ; abhabba=
abhavya, 6 unable;' sibbati = sivyati, 'to sew;' pasibbaka, 'a
bag/ from the same root. The y is altogether dropped in
5auwfo=gavyuti, ' a measure of length.' The forms in tayya—
tavya; given by the Grammarians as ndtayya = jnatavya, pat-
tayya = praptavya, I believe do not belong to the living
language. After a sibilant we have progressive assimilation ;
the only exception is dlasya or a&mya=alasya, ' sloth/ Dh. 49.

In the group Jiy the position of the elements is reversed, so
that it becomes yh, as mayhain = mahyam ; exceptions are
bdhya, ' external ' (also bdhira with change of y to r) and etihya
a= aitihya, 'oral tradition,' Ascoli 244. Assimilation takes
place in leyya = lehya, ' to be licked ;' epenthesis in hiyyo or
^y0=hyas, 'yesterday,' For yh in vuyhati=uhyate we also

COMPOUND CONSONANTS.

51

find fh: vulhati (Ascoli 244 derives this from the part, vulka,
I doubt whether the form is correct).

B before an explosive is always assimilated, and if the explo-
sive is a dental the group may become cerebral; in a few
instances also the influence of the r is shown by aspira-
tion.

(1) Gutturals : sahhhard = c&rkara, ' sugar,' spelt safckard,
Jat. i. 238; t?ayya=varga, 'class;' <%A0=dirgha, 'long,' with
compensation; &tf&tofl=karkaca, 'rough.'

(2) Palatals : acci = arci, ' flame,' spelt acchi in a passage of
Samyuttaka Nikaya quoted by Oldenberg, Buddha 434 ; muc~
chati = murchati, ' to faint ;' sajja = sarja, ' the sal tree/

(3) Cerebrals: kanrta^karaa, 'the ear;' kannaJcita—k&vm-
krita, Suttavibh. ii. 282.

(4) Dentals : pdrivattaka = parivartaka, f a robe lent to a
priest and returned by him after a period,''Pat. 8. 13. 78, but
pdrivattaka Suttavibh. ii. 59 ; dvatt a ~kva,rta, ' whirlpool,' Mahv
213, but dvatia, Jat. i. 70; t?a/to&0=vartaka, 'quail;' vattaU—
vartati, ' to be right,' but dvattati and nihbattati; attha =■
artha, 6 reason,' but atta, 6 lawsuit ;' &m##fa=kaivarta, ' fisher,'
also spelt herattha in Wastergaard's Catalogue 21a ; cftaddeti
= chard, ' to throw away,' also spelt chaddh, Jat. i. 277 ; pari-
maddati -= parimard, 1 to excel,' also spelt parimaddh^ J&t. f.
145 ; addita == ardita, ' afllicted,' Mah. 3, but addita, Bv. ii.
129; daddhi—Aaxah)^ 'sloth,' Trenckner, Pali Misc. 65. A
curious metathesis takes place in gadrabha = gardabha, ' a
donkey,' but in gaddabhanda=gar&abhknda,, 'the tree Thespesia
populneoides,' the assimilation is regular.

(5) Labials : Tcappura = karpura, ' camphor ;' abbuda = ar-
buda, 'a high number;' gabbha = garbha, 'womb;' Jcamma =
karma, 1 action.' The group rv becomes bb, as in pabbaha =s

52

PALI GBAMMAE.

parvata (spelt pappata sometimes in Burmese MSS.); cappeti
=carv, 4 to chew,' C. 317.

(6) Sibilants : assimilation in dassana = darcana, 1 sight
epenthesis in arisa =s arc^s, ' hemorrhoids f drissa = araha,
' rishiship,' Kacc. 216. The group rsh is turned into h in
kahdpana ~ karshapana, kdhiti = karshyati. From harsh we
have a present hamsati, 'to rejoice,' Suttavibh. i. 8, Kacc. 390.

(7) Before h we always have epenthesis, as in arahati =
arhati, barihisa =barh\a, ' sacrificial grass.'

B following an explosive is also generally assimilated, but
here we find several instances where it is retained or a vowel
is inserted : —

(1) Gutturals: vakka =vakra, ' crooked;' khiddd (and kilo)
=krida, 'play;* khumseti — kmc, 'to curse,' comp. Pischel,
Beitr. iii. 253 ; vagga = vyagra, ' irregular,' Oldenberg K Z.
xxv. 324; paccaggha~\>mtysigr'a, ' new;' with epenthesis kiriyd
—kriya, 'deed;' kurura—krxira, 'cruel.'

(2) Palatals: yq;&>0~vajra, ' thunder-bolt.'

(3) Dentals: sattu = catru, 'enemy, spelt satthu, Dip. 21 ;
sdvittM = savitri, M. vi. 35, 8, spelt sdvitti, Fausb. S. N. 75 ;
tattha, yaitha, kattha = tatra, yatra, kutra, ' there,' ' where,'
parattha=:ipa.r8itra, 'elsewhere;' S0^/Mya=crotriya, 'a brahmin;'
sabbathattd=8a.rvatraUkt, 1 in every way,' according to Web-r,
Indische Streifen iii. 397; haliddi = haridn, 'turmeric myro-
bolan,' Suttavibh. ii. 35, spelt haliddhi, C. 317. The r is
retained in utrdsa = uttrasa, ' terror,' Jat. ii. 336, participle
utrasta, Mil. 23, and utrassa, M. x. 2, 16 (uttasati occurs Att.
205, Jat. i. 326, uttasta, Jat i. 414); dudrabhi dundubhi,
'drum;' yatrd — yhixk, ' expedition ;\ adrHbha, ' undeceitful,'
M. x. 2, 17 (adubha, Jat. i. 180). The group dr is changed
to nd in s«/2<fa=8adra, 'coarse,' to jj in khujja=k$hudri\,

COMPOUND CONSONANTS.

53

* small,' Saddhamraop. 93 ; dhr to jjh in ^y}'£a==gridhra
4 vulture.'

(4) Labials : After p the r is assimilated, as in ^y#=:priya,
'dear;' pati = prati, 'in return;' phositum from prush, 'to
sprinkle/ M. vi. 14, 5, parippositvd, M. i. 25, 15, paripphosaka,
Gr. 140. Br is generally retained, as in braviti, from bru, * to
speak,' brahman; bhr is assimilated, as. in sobbha = 9vabhra
1 cave ; mr only in the beginning of a word, as miyyati = mri-
yate ; in the middle a b is developed out of the m after which
the r disappears : amba = amra, 4 mango ; ' tamba = tamra,
' copper.' Fr is assimilated to v in the beginning, and to bb
in the middle of a word : vajati=zvrd)a,ti, ' to go,' but giribbaja;
abbuta^&vr&ttiL or avrita, ' undisciplined,' Dh. 47-

R) after a sibilant, is generally assimilated, as in sdvaka=
cravaka, ' a pupil ; ' massu= qmaqru, ' beard ; ' epenthesis takes
place in $iri=Qvi, 'glory;' daddha and uddha are=dasra and
usra according to Kacc. 333, but Weber Indische Streifen iii.
370, identifies them with damshtra and ushtra.

Hr is4 assimilated in hesa = hresha, ' neighing ;' sateratd=
9atahrada, ' hail ;' rassa =hrasva, ' short ;' separated in Mr%-=.
hri, ' shame ;' but Mlita = hrita and hileti, Jat. ii. 258, rahada
= hrada, ' pond.'

L is on the whole treated very much like r ; before guttural?
and labials it is assimilated ; vagguU=va\gxi\i, ' bat,' C. vi. 2, 2,
Jat. i. 493; kmjakkha=kinjalk&9 ' a filament ;' Jcappa—kalpsi,
'time ;' ^?^aJ^a=pragalbha, 'bold;' jamma=fa\ma, 'reckless.'
Exceptions are sunka = 9ulka, ' tribute ;' suhkaghdta, ' smug-
gling,' Suttavibh. i. 47 ; gumbz = gulma, ' thicket ; ' simbali —
9almali, 'the silk-cotton tree.' Lv is assimilated to bb in kib-
fa'sa=kilvisha, 'fault;' to in khalldta =khalvata, 'bald;' billa
and bella, Jat. iii. 76,=vilva, 'the Vilva'tree,' but JeZwm=vailva

54

PALI GEAMMAB.

L after gutturals and labials is generally separated by i, as in
&i7ma&'=klicyati (but parikissati, Fausb. S. N. xi.); kilomaka—
kloman, 1 the pleura,' Mil. 26 ; klesa, without epen thesis, occurs
Dh. v. 88 ; pilavatiz= fl&v&ti, Dh. 59, Dip. 56 ; vipaldvita, Jat. i.
326 ; piluvati, Mah. 230 ; pilakklia =plaksha, 1 ficus infectoria,'
Suttavibh. ii/ 35, Jat. iii. 24 ; pilotikd = plots, 1 a cloth ;' pihaka
= plihan, * the spleen ;' ambila = amla, 1 sour ;' rnilakkha =.
mleccha, * a barbarian/ originally mlaska.

Bl gives 11, as in efoZ7aMa=durlabha, 'difficult to obtain.'

L after sibilants and h is generally separated by i, as in
sildghd = clagha, ' praise ;' silesuma and semha = cjeshman,
' phlegm;' hilddati=hlkd9 'to be glad.'

F* after gutturals, palatals and cerebals, is assimilated, as in
|ui£&a=pakva, ' ripe ;' kathati=kva,th9 1 to boil ;' (also written
kuth, Vinaya texts, ii. 57, and koddh, Dh. 155), jaTati=jva\&t'\,
' to blaze ;' kinna=kmv2i9 ' yeast.'

After dentals it is also generally assimilated, as in cattdro =
catvaras, ' four ;' fatf0=tvac, ' bark, skin,' comp., however,
S0w^ai?a&a=claksbnatvak, Dh. 412 ; it remains unchanged in
the Suffix tva or tvana, in infoya^ritvij, * the officiating priest:'
and in the pronoun of the second person tvarn, which is also
found as tuvam and tarn. Tv is changed into cc in caccara^
catvara, 1 court ;' ammc£a==anuviditva (comm. janitva), Dh. 41,
Jat. i. 459, Fausb. S. N. xi. 91. Bv is assimilated in dipa =
dvipa, 1 island ; ' udddpa = udvapa, ' foundation of a wall '
Mahaparin. 11; ubbdsiyati = udvas, 'to chase;' which is the
correct reading at Mah. 45 for ubbdhiyati ; it remains un-
changed in dve, 1 two ' (also duve, but bd = dva in bdrasa
' twelve ') ; dvdra, 1 door ;' advejjha = advaidhya, ' sincere,' Bv.
ii. 110. Dhv is assimilated to ddh> as in addhd=:&dhvm, 1 road ;'
to jjh in majjhdru, M. v. 13, 6, probably = madhvalu, 4 yam.'

COMPOUND CONSONANTS.

55

No is changed to mm in dhammantari^dhwxvBLYit&ri, Mil. 272 ;
dalhadhamma = dridhadhanva, Trenckner, P. M. 60 (but
gandivadhanvd, Kacc. 182), comp. Prak. dhamma, ' bow,
Paiyal. 37.

After a sibilant v is generally assimilated, as in assa = acva,
1 a horse / same=svamin, ' lord,' but also suvdmi, Fausb. S. N.
xi., suvdminiy Jat. iii. 288 ; it remains unchanged in svdna (or
sdna, suvdna), = cva, 'a dog;' sve (and suve), cvas, * to-
morrow / ehisvdgata, ' come and be welcome/ C. i. 13, 3,
Suttavibh. i. 181. Epenthesis in suvatthi == svasti, ' welfare/

Hv undergoes metathesis like hyy as inJwM===jihva, 6 tongue;
sometimes it becomes bbh, as in gabbliara—gahv&ra,, ' a cavern.'

A sibilant preceding or following an explosive is assimilated
by the same and generally produces aspiration of the group.

Ksh is mostly changed to kkh or cch, as in ca&M&— cakshus,
c eye * gavakkha, ' bull's eye/ but gavacchita, Jat. i. 60 ; rukkha
and va.ccha=yYikshsLy 'a tree/ Mil. 209, Suttavibh. i. 179;

=kshudra, ' small 9 (chudda, ' mean/ is not the same
word, but participle to the root c^6/t==kshiv, Trenckner, Mil.
130), &^ama = kshama, 'patience* and ' earth / in the latter
signification also chamd, comp. Hem. ii. 18; akkocchi= akru-
kshit y/kruc, Kacc. 13. Sometimes the aspiration is dropped,
as in T#/fcto*7a = Takshacila,* ' a city in the Punjab / ikka =
riksha, 'a bear' (also written isa and issa in Abhidhanapp.),
Ohkdka — Ikshvaku. Patissa, 1 obedience/ is — pratiksha
according to Senart Mahavastu 516 ; appatissavdsa occurs
Jat. ii. 352.

Ts and ps generally become cch, as in jigliacchd == jighatsa,
1 hunger / chata, ' hungry, desirous/ and its opposite nicehdta,
Fausb. S. N. 143, from psa, samvaccbara (and vaccliaray
Saddhammop. v. 239)=samvatsara, 'year/ bibhacca—bibhsLtsa,

58

PALI GRAMMAR.

* loathsome ;' and from the same root nibbhaccheti, ' to rebuke,'
Jat. ii. 338. Exceptions are most of the roots beginning with

* when composed with the preposition ut, which gives the
group ss, as ussada= utsada, desire,' Fausb. S. N. 149, generally
used in the compound ussadaniraya, where Burnouf translates
it * protuberance,' comp. Mahavastu 372; and the verb ussd-
diyati, ' to be spoiled,' C. vi. 11, 3, Suttavibh. ii. 99. We find,
however, also the regular form ucchadeti, Mil. 241 ; ucchddana,

* rubbing the body with perfumes,' Gr. 10, Mil. 315 ; ucchaiiga
= utsariga, ' the hip.'

Qc becomes ccfi, as in niccharati= jiiqcar, 1 to proceed.' An
exception is niccitta (for niccita, corr-), ' thoughtless,' Dh. 173,
Jat. ii. 298.

Shk and sk generally become kkh, as nikkha or nekkha =
nishka, ' golden ornament.' Exceptions are most of the roots
beginning with k when composed with the preposition nis, which
in Sanskrit must result in but in Pali only gives kk9
e. g., nikkaddhati, 'to expel,' =nishkrish ; we have, however, the
group kkh in nekkhamma = naishkamya, 1 abandonment of
desires,' Vinaya texts, i. 104; and in nikkhatnati = nishkram,
'to depart' (nikkam only Mil. 245, Kh. 8); takkara =taskara,
' a thief ;' avakkdra =. avaskara in avakkdrapdti, ' slop-basin,'
M. iv. 1, 2.

Sht and shth become tth in Z>Afl##0==bhrashta, 'fallen' and
=bhrishta, 1 fried f paftha = prasbtha, 1 clever ' (Buddhagh.
cheka, samattha) Suttavibh. i. 210, ii. 60, 254, mattha and matta
ass mrishta, 1 polished ;' vatta = vrish|a, from vassati, ' to rain '
(vuttha, Jat. iii. 484); attaka =ashtaka (Buddh. addhaka),
Suttavibh. i. 81; te£fcfa=leshtu, 'a clod of earth.'

St and 8th generally become ttht as in adhivat t ha —adhivaatH,
•living on ' (adhivuitha, Mahaparin. 23) , parivattha> and pari-

COMPOUND CONSONANTS.

57

vuttha ; apatt7ia = a\)ksta, ' thrown away,' Dh. 27 ; pattha —
prastha, 'a measure of capacity;' «#&&"=asthi, 'bone.' Tt in
fl2>dtf/0==riirasta, 4 rejected,' Fausb. S. N. 150; Myatiana—
byastana, 'yesterday's ;' bhaddamutta — bh&draimuata,, 4 Cyperus
rotundus,' M. vi. 3, 1; nettirnsa — m&tYimqbj 4 merciless/ Jat.
ii. 77; wr##a/zw=urastadam, 4 beating the breast,' Mil. 11.
St remains in viddkasia = vidhvsLsta9 ■ broken;' it becomes ss in
vassa=b&$ta, 4 goat,' but also bhasta, Jat. iii. 278.

Shp and sp generally become ppk9 as in ^W£p^a=pushpa,
'a flower;' ftz^/?tfZtf ==nishphala, 'fruitless;' pp in lappa or
vappa = bashpa, ' a tear,' M. x. 2, 13 ; vanappati == vanaspati,
'a tree,' duppura = dushpura, 4 difficult to fill/ Dh. 392;
nippdpa = nishpapa, ' sinless/ Dh. 37 ; potthabba for _pA0f-
thabba, 4 contact/ Jat. ii. 81 ; appotheti = asphotayati, ' to snap
the fingers. '

Groups of nasals with sibilants can either be assimilated or
remain unchanged, or insert a vowel between the nasal and
the sibilant, or change the sibilant to h with metathesis.

Qn and sn : panha = pracna, ' question,' and paripanhati,
1 to consider/ sindna and wa^aw«=snana, 'bathing / for sindni,
' powder ' Assalayanasutta 13 comp. sndniya = curna, Panini
3, 3, 113 schol.

Shn : unha == ushna, ' hot/ but situnnaka for situnhaha^ M.
viii. 10, 2 ; taw^a and tasind = trishna, 4 thirst;' osanhati, C. v.
2, 3, is a derivative from sanha = clakshna, ' smooth.'

Qm, shm, sm : sita, mihita = smita, ' smile;' massu = cmacru,
4 beard / gimha = grishma, 4 summer / asw#w=acman, 4 stone/
but amhand, Fausb. S. N. 71 ; am he = asme, 4 us/ but asme,
Jat. iii. 359 ; usrnd = ushman, 4 heat/ Mil. 153 ; bhasma and
bhe8tna = bhisma, C. vii. 4, 8, Ab. 167; ramsi and rasmi =
racmi, 4 beam ;' pamussati, 4 to forget/ is derived by S. Gold-

58

PALI GRAMMAR.

schmidt, K.Z. xxv. 437, from a root smrish, to which also
belongs Prak. pamhusai, pamhuttha, Hem. iv. 75, 184, 258 ;
and this derivation seems to be confirmed by the spelling
pammuttha and pammussitvd, Dh. 247, 248, Jat. iii. 511.

The groups hn, hm, generally show metathesis, as ganhdti =
grihnati, ' to take;' jimha = jihma, ' crooked/ spelt jima, Jat. i.
290 ; hn becomes nt in majjhantika for majjhahnika, 'midday.'

The rules of the changes of three or more consonants are,
on the whole, the same as those concerning two consonants
which have just been laid down. When assimilation takes
place an explosive prevails over the other consonants ; sattha
= castra, ' a weapon,' but fern, satti = castri, • a knife ;' uddha
and ubbha = urdhva, ' high ;' tikkhina, tikkamA tinh a =tikshnn,
' sharp ;' kasina = kritsna, 1 entire,' but subhakinha or Qkinna =
cubha-kritsna ; dosina and junhd = jyotsiaa, jyotsna, ' a moon,
lit night anupakhajja^anuBTSLskand^, 6 having occupied
upldvita — utplavita, 1 floated,' Mah. 230 ; bhastd = bhastra,
* bellows,' is only known from Abhidhanapp.

Rdr is changed to 11 in alia = ardra, 1 wet,' Prak. alia, olla
or ulla, Hem. i. 82, but we find also adda, Jat. i. 244, and
addd = ardra, 'name of a Nakshatra,' Ab. 58, addaka=krdraba,
'green ginger,' Ab. 459; rdhr becomes ddh in vaddha = vardhra,
1 leather,' Jat. ii. 154, Ang. p. 110.

Tty and ttr, where they are not assimilated, are simplified
into ty and tr or U, as in ratyd instr. of ratti = ratri, ' night ;'
vimuttdyatana = vimukti-fayatana, 'point of emancipation;'
utrdsa and utrasta, or uttdsa and uttasta = uttrasa, uttrasta,
satra t=s sattra, ' sacrifice ;' udriyati, M. iii. 8, 1, Suttavibh. i.
254, stands for uddriyati, c to split open,' and the substantive
udriyanam occurs Jat. i. 72.

EULES ON SANDHI.

59

§ 13. Rules on Sandhi.

The rules on sandhi in Pali may be divided into rules on
vowel-sandhi, and rules on mixed sandhi where a vowel and a
consonant are concerned. Consonantal sandhi does not occur
in Pali. All the rules we are about to give only deal with the
so-called external sandhi, as the rules on internal sandi form a
part of the phonetics we have given above. We only speak
here about the sandhi of words, the sandhi of compounds
belonging to the chapter on the formation of the stem.

Word-sandhi is not imperative in Pali as in Samskrit ; it only
takes place in certain cases, and the MSS. vary greatly as to
its use or neglect. In prose it is almost confined to inde-
clinables and pronouns, in juxta-position or in connection
with a verb or a noun, as e.g., my ay am— me ay am, yan nuna —
yad nuna, tasseva = tassa eva, tatih Ananda, etc. The par-
ticles that are almost regularly found in sandhi are ca, iti (ti),
api (pi), eva, as Jcathan ca^katham ca, kincid = kifici eva,
tathdpi = tatha api, etc. The negative na, followed by a vowel,
generally loses its a, as rfatthi, rieva, ndhosi, which Trenckner,
Pali Misc. 81, prefers writing na tthi, as though the root as had
lost its initial a. So he also writes tdva ''ham, eva '"'ham, Mil.
21*9; tattha 'ham and ndma 'ham, and the same with ay am,
although ndmdham and ndmdyam are equally frequent.

The other cases of word-sandhi in prose, without any inde-
clinable or pronoun, are divided by Childers into three cate-
gories: (1) a vocative beginning with a vowel is preceded by
a word ending in a vowel, as gacch? dvuso, pancah? Updli, dydm'
Ananda ; (2) a verb is preceded or followed by a noun in

GO

PALI GRAMMAR.

grammatical relation with it, as utthdydsand> dsand vufthaya,
upajjhdyass' drocesum ; (3) two nouns are in grammatical
relation, as dukkkass* antam, dirih1 dk&rehi.

In verse word-sandhi is much more frequent than in prose,
under the influence of metrical exigency ; in later texts, like
Dipavamsa, Mabavamsa, Buddhavamsa, Cariyapitaka, and espe-
cially Khuddasikkha, it is not uncommon that whole syllables
disappear in a sandhi where it is required by the metre, as e.g.
changula = cliadangula, Mah. 211 ; dasahassi = dasasahassi,
Bv. xiii. 21 ; ticattdrisahassdni, Bv. xvi. 15.

I. Vowel Sandhi.

A + d) a followed by a single consonant gives d, as ndhosi =
na + ahosi, ndsalckhi = na + asakkhi ; if a double consonant
follows the a remains short, and an apostrophe is put generally
after the terminating consonant of the first word, to show
that a vowel has been dropped, as in n* atthi = na atthi, pan'
annam =. pana annam. In a few instances we find a long a
before a double consonant, as ndssa = na assa, Dh. 23, comp.
above the chapter on the quantity of vowels, p. 13. A short
a before a single consonant occurs also in a few instances, as
c* aham, Jat i. 3 ; n' ahosi — na ahosi, Dh. 155.

A or d + i or i gives e, as in Skt., e.g. kokildyeva=kokildya -f
iva, neresi=zna iresi. An exception is iti, which always gives
dti with a preceding a, e.g. Tissdti = Tissa iti ; i is elided by
a preceding a in yena *rne s= yena ime, pana 'me = pana ime ;
a + i sometimes gives i, as seyyatMdam = seyyaihd idam.

A or d + u or u gives o, as in nopeti = na upeti, pakkhandito-
dadhim = pakkhanditd udadhim, Mah. 117. Seldom we find u
instead, as cubhayam = ca ubhayam.

A is frequently elided by i or u whether followed by a

E TILES ON SANDHI.

61

conjunct consonant or not, as in passaiK imam = passatha
imam, y ass* indriydni = yassa indriydni.

A is generally elided before e, o : ganhatlC etam = ganhatha
etam, iv' otatam = iva otatam.

A sometimes elides a following i, u or e in eva : disvd'
panissayam=.disvd upanissayam, silted' va = sutvd eva, Das. 4.
Generally & is elided before a long vowel or before a short
vowel followed by a conjunct consonant : taiK eva = tathd eva,
tay> ajja == tayd ajja, seldom before a short vowel followed
by a single consonant ; mwhcitv* aham = muncitvd aham ;
Jat. i. 13.

/ is generally elided before short or long vowels, as gacchdnC
aham = gachdmi aham, iddn' ime = iddni ime, dasati updgata—
dasahi updgata, dviht dkdrehi = dvihi dkdrehi, etc. Sometimes
it remains and elides the following vowel : phalanti 'saniyo—
phalanti asaniyo, iddni 'ssa = idani assa; i + a occasionally
gives d : kincdpi == kinci apt, pdham == pi aham-.

I is seldom elided : funk' assa=tunM assa ; at Jat. iii. 414,
we have dassdham = ddsi + aham.

I+i gives i : palujjiti^palujji iti, Par. 40. I preceded by
t (tt) and followed by another vowel may become y : jivanty
elaka —jiwnti elaka, guty atha = gutti atha. Generally, how-
ever, the group ty is changed to cc, especially when the first
word is iti : iccevam = ity evam. The corresponding change
of dy to jj is not attested by any good authority. Api followed
by a vowel may become app through an intermediate apy : app
eva =api eva ; itv, tv for iti, ti is most probably only a corrupt
spelling.

U is elided before a vowel : sameV dyasmd = sametu dyasmd,
tas' eva = tdsu eva. Rarely it elides a following vowel ; nu'
ttha=nu atiha, kinnu' md = kinnu imd. U-\~i sometimes gives

G2

PALI GRAMMAR.

& : sddhuti = sddhu + iti. Before a or e it can be changed to
v : vatthv ettiia = vatthu ettha, sesesv at/am = sesesu ayam.

E may be elided before a long vowel or before a short vowel
followed by a conjunct consonant : rrC dsi = me dsi, sac* assa =
sace assa ; sometimes it elides a following vowel : te* me = te
ime, sace1 jja — sace ajja, rey yya = re ayya, Mil. 124 ; occa-
sionally e + a gives d, as sacdyam = sace + ayam, Dh. 140, 165 ;
but the e can also be turned into y, as if it were i, and an a
following lengthened by compensation when a single consonant
follows : tydham = ie aham, mydyam = me ayam, ty ajja — te
ajja ; exception, tydssa = te assa.

0 is elided before a long vowel or a short vowel followed by
a double consonant : kut* -ettha = huto eitha, tay' assu = tayo
assu, tatf uddham == tato uddham. It elides a following vowel
in soyham=so aham, cattdro' me=cattdro ime, etc. 0 + a gives
d: dukkhdyam = dukkho ayam, Jat. i. 1G8. 0 can also be
turned into v (as e into y) and an initial a lengthened if
followed by a single consonant : yvdham = yo akam, khvassa
t=kho assa, yveva=yo eva : exceptions, svdssu=so assu, Jat. if
196 ; khvdssa = kho assa, Payoga Siddhi.

Euphonic consonants are often inserted when two vowels
meet, to avoid a hiatus ; especially the semi-vowels y and v
are used for this purpose.

Yis inserted between a word terminating in a or d, when
followed by idam or any of the oblique cases of this pronoun
which begins with i : na yidam = na idam, md yime = md ime,
yathayidam = yathci idam with shortening of the d. The same
process takes place with eva and iva, which latter, however, is
changed to viya by metathesis. When a, d is followed by u, u,
v may be inserted for euphony : bJiantd vudikkhati = bhantd
udikkhati.

RULES ON SANDHI.

63

Sometimes a euphonic m is inserted between two vowels :
idha-m-dhu = idha dhu, pariganiya-m-asesam = pariganiya
asesam, Girimanandasutta in Paritta, kapi-m-dgantvd, Cariy. ii.
5, 4 ; or r if the following word is iva : dragge-r-iva = dragge
iva, sdsapo-r-iva = sdsapo iva, sikhd-r-iva = sikhd iva, Maha-
samayas 21. Final d is shortened before this r in yatha-r-iva,
tatha-r-iva = yathd eva, tathd eva, Kacc. 19.

In a great many cases a lost consonant is revived to avoid
the hiatus, as in yasradd apeti = yasmad apeti, Jcocid eva =
kaccid eva, tunMm dsina = tushnim asina, vuttir esd =: vrittir
eaha, chalabJiinnd = shadabhijna, puthag eva = prithag eva, pag
eva = prag eva, with shortening of the a, samrnadannd ~
samyag ajna, with change of g to d\ and anvad = anvak in a
passage of the Maggasamyutta quoted by Morris, ' Eeport on
Pali literature,' p. 5. Bhir atthu, Jat. i. 59, stands for dhig atthu,
vijjur eva for vijjud eva. Jat. iii. 464 we have jwar eva fov jivann
eva; attadatha stands for attanattha = atman+artha, satthud
anvaya for satthur anvaya, punad eva for punar eva.

II. Mixed Sandhi.

Original double consonants simplified by assimilation at the
beginning of a word, can again be doubled after a word ter-
minating* in a vowel : yatra tthitam = yatra thitam for yatra
sthitam. This is often done in verse when a long syllable is
required.

In a few cases a lost final consonant is revived before a
consonant, as ydvan <?' idam = ydva ca idam, suhanus sahd, Jat.
ii. 31, tayas su = trayas svid, Kh. 9.

As we have seen above, p. 45, sometimes an usvara stands
for an original consonant, and in this case before a vowel it is
liable* to be replaced by the original consonant. Sakrit becomes

64

PALI GRAMMAR.

sakim in Pali, but before a vowel we have sakid ; in the same
way we have tad for tam, yad for yam, etc.

In verse when a short syllable is required, anusvara can be
elided before a consonant : no ce rnunceyya? candimam for
munceyyam Candaparitta, dkankha virdgam for dkanhham,
I)h. v. 343. Or else the wThole syllable may be dropped, as in
rajovajalV ukkutikappamdnam as the metre requires, Dh. v.
141; piydn* adassanam for piydnam, Dh. v. 210; pdpdrt aka-
ranam, for pdpdnant, v. 333 ; nipajf aham for nipajjim, Jat. i. 13.
When the anusvara is dropped the remaining a can be con-
tracted with a following a to d, as in $accdham-=zgatyam aham,
Suttavibh. i. 190 ; labheyydham = labheyyam aham, Parin. 59;
iddhaw—idam+ aham in the phrase ekam iddham samayam, comp.
Oldenberg, K.Z. xxv. 325.

Only in late texts an anusvara can elide a following vowel,
as otrassafrC dhund for adhund, vassantam 'malakam in two
passages from Pali Burmese books quoted by Oldenberg,
' India Office Catalogue, p. 121,' sovannamayam ^nunndtam for
anunndtam, Khuddasikkha, xxxvi. 15.

§ 14. Declension.

We distinguish in Pali, as in Samskrit, stems ending in
vowels and stems ending in consonants, and according to this
division the whole declension of substantives and adjectives is
arranged. It must however be remarked, that the vowel stems
have largely encroached upon the consonantal stems, and that
only fragments of a consonantal inflexion have remained.
Especially consonantal stems identical with roots, which are
frequent enough in Samskrit, have almost totally disappeared
from Pali, and have been replaced by dissyllabic stems increased
by the addition of a vowel. A careful investigation of the old

DECLENSION.

65

texts has only yielded the following instances of consonantal
root-stems : taco, pi. of tvac, 4 skin/ Dh. Ill, Kb. 3; pddd, instr.
of pad, 'foot,' Dh. 164; vdcd, instr. of vac, 'speech/ Kh. 9 ;
pamudi,loc. of pramud, 'joy,' Gr. 139 ; parisati and parisatim,
Suttavibh. ii. 285, loc. of parishad, 4 assembly.'

There are two possibilities of turning these consonantal
stems into vowel-stems: (1) The terminating consonant is
dropped, and the word passes into the declension of that vowel
which now stands at the end, e.g. w^#w$a==upanishad ; dpd~
apad, Jat. ii. 317, which are inflected like feminine <z-stems;
dsi = acis, 4 blessing,' inflected like an z'-stem ; maru = marut,
name of a 4 deva,' inflected like an w-stem. (2) The stem is
increased by the addition of an a (which may represent ori-
ginally the termination of the acc. sing., comp. however Pischel,
Beitr. iii. 262), and the word is now inflected like an a-stem,
masculine, feminine or neuter, according to the gender of the
original noun. Such instances are hita = krit, and visagata for
visakata= vishsikYit, Suttavibh. i. 80 ; tivutd= trlvrit, name of
a 4 plant ; ' fom£is#= barhis, 4 sacrificial grass.' Sometimes the
gender is changed, as in sarado m. 4year' = carad f. comp.
Pischel gramm. Prac. 5 ; Beitr. iii. 240. Change of gender is
very frequent in Pali, as for instance in vacibheda,l£hudda$ikkhk
xl. 1, we have instead of d the thematic vowel i, and as this is
also found in some other compounds, I do not believe that vaci
is a locative like tvaci in tvacisara, Pan. vi. 3, 9 ; comp. Jain-
aprak. vatijoa Beitr. 5. Ap is generally used in tbe nom. pi.
dpo, we find however a gen. dpassa, Mil. 363.

Only very few vestiges of the dual occur in the texts known
to us at present : to idh' dgato, 4 these two having come,'
Dip. 56 ; ubho = ubhau, Dh. v. 74, 306 ; mdtdpilu, 4 father and
mother,' Cariy. ii. 9, 7, if this does not stand for the acc.

F

66

PALI ORAM MAR.

°pitrin. Generally the plural replaces the dual even in such
cases as jayampati and tudampati, ' man and wife,' where
the meaning clearly points to a duality.

I. Vowel Bases.
Masculine and Neuter in a.

Dhanima, 1 The Law.'

Singular.

Plural.

Norn.

dhammo.

dha?nmdy dhammdse.

Voc.

dhamina, dhammd.

dhammd.

Acc.

dhammam.

dhamme.

Instr.

dhammena.

dhammebhi, dhammehi.

Dat.

dhammassa (dhamrndya) .

dhammdnam.

Abl.

dhammd, dhammasmd,

dhammebhi, dhammehi.

dhammamhd.

Gen.

dhammassa.

dhammdnam.

Loc.

dhamme, dhammasmim,

dhammesu.

dhammamhi.

Eupa} ' The Image.1

Singular.

Plural.

Nom.

Voc

\ ,

\ritpam.

rupdni, rupd.

Acc.

rupdni, rupe.

Instr.

rupena.

rupebhi, rupehi.

Ddt

rupassa (rupdya).

rupdnam.

Abl.

rupd, rupasmd, rupamhd.

rupebhi, rupehi.

Gen.

rupassa.

rupdnam.

Loc.

rdpe, rupasmim, rupamhi.

rupesu.

DECLENSION.

67

The form given in the table as dative is, properly speaking,
the genitive == Skt. dharmasya, rupasya, which has taken up
the functions of dative in Pali. The old dative in dya, which I
have given in paranthesis, is only used to denote the intention,
and is almost synonymous with an infinitive ; only few in-
stances occur where the dative has a terminative meaning as
Dh. v. 174, saggdya gacchati, 4 goes to heaven/ and Dh. v. 311,
niraydya upalcaddhati, 6 brings to hell/ comp. Pischels remarks,
Beitr. zur kunde d. indog. Spr. i. Ill, 119 ; lokdnukampdya =
lokam anukampitum , 6 through compassion for the world ma
patthaye nirayam dassandya, ' I do not wish to see the hell.?
Especially the dative atthdya is used frequently with the
meaning ' for the good of, for the sake of,' as in Buddkassa
attJidya jwitarn pariccajdmi, ' for Buddha's sake I will lay down
my life/ comp. Childers, s. v. We have also an abridged form
atthd used in the same sense, e.g. in bhojanatthd, 6 for the
sake of food/ Jat iii. 425. Other instances of this abridged
dative are esand = esandya, 4 in search of/ Ten Jat, 48, 81 ;
andpucchd = anapucchaya, 6 without asking leave/ comp. pari-
pucchdya, Mil. 93 ; labhd in such sentences as Idbhd vata no,
1 this is for our advantage/ which Childers explained as a
dative, is in reality a nom. fern, identical with the masc. Idbha,
comp. Senart Mahavastu 550. ft

The ablative stands for the instrumental in jam, 'speedily,'
Dip. 23 i and ahimsd, ' through pity,' Dh. v. 270. The suffix sd
is very often also used to denote an instr., as in vdliasd, • by
dint of/ Mil. 379 ; Suttavibh. ii. 158 (comp. the v. 1.) ; talma,
1 by the sole of the foot 9 (com. pddatalena), Jat. ii. 223 ; rasasd,
' by taste/ Jat. iii. 328 ; bilasd, padasd, Kacc. 91 ; balasd, 6 by
force/ Cariy. ii. 4, 7.

In the ablative the terminations in dJiammasmd, dham

68

PALI GRAMMAR.

mamhd, and in the loc, dhammasmim, dhammamhi, are taken
from the pronominal inflection. Besides, we have two other ter-
minations for the ablative, to = skt. tas, and so = cas, which
occur mostly in later texts, but also in a few instances in the
Jataka and Dhp. Instances are ganandto, 1 by number,' Jat.
i. 29 ; cdpdto, 1 from the bow/ Dh. v. 320 ; devato, * from a
deva,' Bv. xvi. 7 ; orato pdram gacchati, pdraio oram dgacchati
' goes from this end of the field to the further end and back
again from the far end to this,' Jat. i. 57 ; mettdto, ' from friend-
ship,' Saddhammop. v. 487, 489. With so we have bhdgaso,
1 by portion,' Mil. 330 ; parivattaso, 4 by turns,' Mahaparin. 60 ;
tini yojanaso, 1 three yojanas wide,' Bv. xxi. 24.

In the locative the forms in e and in smim or mhi are almost
equally frequent already in earlier texts, see Torp, Die Flexion
des Pali, p. 18. The forms bilasi and padasi given by Kacc. 91
do not occur anywhere else. The locative is used instead of a
dative in brdhmane, Cariy. i. 9, 47.

In the nom. pi. of the masculine we have a form in dse
which corresponds to the vedic nom. pi. in dsas, as pandit dse,
4 the learned,' Fausb. S. N. xi. 167 ; rukkhdse, 1 the trees,'
Jat. iii. 399, comp. Oldenberg, KZ, xxv. 315.

The acc. pi. of the masculines in e is somewhat difficult to
explain : Kuhn compares it to the vedic pronominal forms
asme, yushme, which are used likewise for the nominative and
accusative, and refers to the explanation offered by Schleicher,
Compendium p. 611 for these forms ; comp. Torp p. 19,
S. Goldschmidt, KZ. xxv. 438.

The instr. pi. in ebhi or ehi quite corresponds to the vedic
form in ebhis (or to the ablative in ebhyas, as the forms are the
same in Pali). Instances for the form in bhi ate given by
Oldenberg, KZ. xxv. 316, 317. In old texts we find besides a

DECLENSION.

69

form in e corresponding to the instr. of the classical Samskrit
in ais, for inst, vanipake, used as a dative, 4 to the beggars,'
Cariy. i. 4, 9 j ydcake, ib. i. 8, 12 ; adhane dture jinne ydcake
patthike jane samanabrahmane khine deti ddnam akincane,
ib. i. 1, 9 ; gune dasafr updgatam, instr., Jat. i. 6.

In the plural of the neuter we have the regular form cittdni
for nora. and ace, and besides rupd for the nom., and rupe
for the ace, which are both taken from the masculine de-
clension. Thus we have satte dukkhd pamocayi, ' he released
the beings from pain,' Mah. 2 ; pane vihimsati, v. 1. for pdnjdni
himsati, 1 he hurts living creatures,' Vasala sutta v. 2. The
same confusion of gender occurs in pabbatdni, Dh. v. 188
(probably through attraction from vandni),m dukkhd, ' sorrow,'
which may be used as neuter and masc, and (according to
Fausboll), even as fern.

In the locative pi. Childers gives a form milakkhusu from
milakkha, 1 a barbarian,' but without any reference.

Feminine in d.
Kannd, 4 The Girl.'

Singular

Plural.

Nom

kannd.

kannd, kanndyo.

Voc.

kanne.

kannd, kanndyo.

Acc.

kannam.

kannd, kanndyu.

Instr.

kannaya.

kanndbhi, kanndhi.

Dat.

kannaya.

kannd nam.

Abl.

kannaya.

kanndbhi, kanndhi.

Gen.

kannaya.

kanndnam.

Loc.

ka n nd ya m, kannaya.

kanndsu.

In the vocative we have the following exceptions : ammd,

70

PALI GRAMMAR.

anna, ambd, tdtd, all signifying 1 mother,' form the voc. like
the nom., Kacc. p. 64 ; of ammd, we have besides a voc. amma,
frequent in Dh. The loc. kanndya is taken from the genitive.
For the nom. pi. in a and dyo, comp. Oldenberg, Kz. xxv. 317.

Masculine and Neuter in t.

Aggi, ' The Fire.'

Singular.

Plural.

N. & V.

aggi

aggago, aggi.

Acc.

aggfon.

<*99h aggayo.

Instr.

aggind.

aggibhi, aggihi.

Dat.

aggino, aggissa.

agginam.

Abl.

aggind , aggismd, aggimha.

aggibhi, aggihi.

Gen.

aggino, aggissa.

agginam.

Loc.

aggismim, aggimhi.

aggisu.

Akkhi, 1 The Eye.'
Singular. Plural.

N.&V.

akkhi, akkim.

akkhini, akkhi.

Acc.

akkim.

akkhini, akkhi.

Instr.

akkhind.

akkhibhi, akkhihi.

Dat.

akkhino, alcJchissa.

akkhinam.

Abl.

akkhind, akkhismd, ak-

akkhibhi, akkhihi.

hhimhd.

Gen.

akkhino, akkhissa.

akk'hinam.

Loc.

akkhismim, akkhimhi.

akkhisu.

A voc. ise, corresponding to the Skt. rishe, occurs in
Rupasiddhi, and Jat. xix. 1, 2. A gen. mune, is given by
Oldenberg, KZ. xxv. 318. The ancient loc. in o, is only formed
from the stem ddi, according to Kacc. 41, ado and ddu, Dh, 96 ;

DECLENSION.

71

a Joe. give, after the analogy of the «-stems, occurs Jat.
iii 157. An instr. after the same analogy is buddharamsena ,
Bv, x. 28. Besides, we very often, especially in Dip., find the
simple stem used for almost any case of the sing., see Olden-
berg, KZ. xxv. 318.

A nom. pi. aggino, is found Saddhammop. v. 586, together
with the regular form aggayo. In the oblique cases of the
plural we only find the short i occasionally in verses, as ridtihi,
patimntMravuttinam, Dh. 146.

Instances of the nominative accusative of neuters in formed
after the analogy of the ^-sterns are not very frequent, but
numerous enough to show that the form really exists : akkhim,
Dh. 140; atthi™, Das. J. 5, 12. The nominative plural akk/ny
occurs Dh. 82.

Feminine in i.
Rattl 'The Night,

Singular. Plural.

N. Voc. ratti. rattiyo, ratti.

Ace. rattim. ratti, rattiyo,

Ins. Abl. rattiyd. rattibhi, rattihi.

D. Gen. .ratiiyd. rattinam.

Loc. rattiyam, rattiyd. rattisu.

The nominative plural ratti, is formed exactly like the cor-
responding form of the masculine stems aggi, most probably
after the analogy of the o-stems (Torp. 41) . In the genitive sing,
we have a form kasino like aggino in Kasibharadvajasutta v. 1,
and in the locative ratio = ado, Dh. v. 299. The locative sin-
gular in a, is properly speaking a genitive, as we have noticed
also in kanhd confusion between these two cases. Instead of
the group t*y in the oblique cases of the singular, and in the

72

PALI GRAMMAR.

nominative accusative of the plural, we also find simple y, and
this may be contracted with a preceding dental according to the
rules given above, p. 49. In this way we obtain forms like
nikaiyd,from mkriri, 'fraud,' Jat. ii. 183, nikacca with shortened
a, Suttavibh. i. 90; jaccd for jdtiyd ; sammuccd for sammutiyd,
etc., comp. Fausb., introd. to the Suttanipata transl. p. xi.
Instead of rattiyd we have ratydt I)h. 178.

The declension of the stems in % is very much the same as
of those in i :

Nadi, < A River.'

Singular. Plural.

N. Voc. nadi. nadiyo, najjo, nadi.

Acc. nadim. nadi, nadiyo, najje

Ins. Abl. nadiyd, nadyd, najjd. nadibhi, nadihi.
D. Gen. nadiyd, nadyd, najjd, nadinam.
Loc. nadiyam, najjam, nadiyd. nadisu

In the ablative singular we have a contracted form pest for
pesiyd, Mil. 421, an ablative in to is sirito from sin = cri,
Samanta Pas. 304. From dabbt, 4 spoon,' we have the genitive
davyd, Jat. iii. 218. The nominative plural najjo occurs only
Kacc. 56. An enlarged form of the genitive plural in iydnanij
is met with in a few examples : bhaginiydnam, Mah. 4 ; tevisa-
tiydnam, Dh. 117 ; caturasttiydnam, Dh. 350 ; it supposes a
nominative singular in iyd, like criya for cri in the Samskrit of
the Northern Bhuddhists.

The declension of itthx or tht = stri, 1 a woman,' follows
nadi in general ; in the acc. singular we have an additional
form itthiyam = striyam, in the genitive thiyam = stryam, in
the locative itthiyd.

DECLENSION.

73

Masculines and Neuters in u.

Bhikkhu, 6 A Mendicant Friar.'

Nom.
Voc.

Singular. Plural.

bhikkhu. bhikkhavo, bhikkhu.

bhikkhu. bhikkhavo, bhikkhave, bhik-

khu.

Acc.
Instr.
D. G.
Abl.

bhikkhum. bhikkhu, bhikkhavo.

bhikkhund. bhikkhubhi, bhikkhuhi.

bhikkhuno, bhikkhussa. bhikkhunam.

bhikkhund, bhikkhusmd, bhikkhubhi, bhikkhuhi.

Loc.

bhikkhumhd.
bhikkhustnim, bhikkhum- bhikkhum.

hi.

In the voc. sing, we find Sutano, Jat. iii. 329. A rest of the
old gen. in os, survives in hetu = hetos, Dh. v. 84*. In the
oblique cases of the plural again we find the short u (like the
short i ) occasionally in verses,asjantuhi, Anecd. 33 ; bhikkhum,
Dh. v. 73 ; jantunam, Ten. Jat. 91. A form bahunnam with
double n instead of u occurs Dh. 81. Irregular forms of the
nom. pi. are jantuno and mittacluno from inittadu^ mitmdruh,
Mah. 10, jantuyo and hetuyo.

Masculines terminating in u keep it in the nom. sing., as
abhibhu, Dh. 255, but shorten it in the other cases. The
plural is abhibhu or abhibhuvo, from sabbannu = sarvajiia :
sabbannu or sabbannuno, from sahabhu : sahabhu, sahabhuvo,
sahabhuno.

The neuters in u form the nom. voc. acc. pi. either in u or
uni, as madhu or madhunu The nom. and acc. sing, can take
m like the corresponding forms of the i-stems, as cakkhum
udapddi, Kacc. 27.

74

PALI GRAMMAR.

Feminines in u.

Dhenu, 1 A

Cow.'

Singular.

Plural.

N. V.

dhenu.

dhenuvo, dhenuyo, dhenu

Acc.

dhenum.

dhenu, dhenuyo.

I. A.

dhenuyd.

dhenubhi, dhenuhi.

D. G.

dhenuyd.

dhenu nam.

Loc.

dhenuyam, dhenuyd.

dhenusu.

The nom. pi. dhenuvo occurs Dh. 237, where Fausboll lias
altered it to dhenuyo. Bhu, 'the earth/ makes in the loc. sing.
bhuvi, Kacc. 45 ; massu, though being a neuter, forms its gen.
according to the fern, fashion massuyd, Jat. iii. 315. An abl.
with the termination to occurs in natthuto, *into the nose,'
M. viii. 1, 11, jambuto, Bv. xvii. 9, the loc. dhdtuyd, C. ix. 1, 4.

The feminines terminating in u follow the declension of
dhenu with the only exception of the nom. sing., which may
adopt the form in 4 as vadhu, ' a wife,' Ab. 230 (but vadhu,
Suttavibh. i. 18) ; sam&M = sarayu, ' name of a river camu =
camu, 1 an army padti = padu, ' a shoe sassu = cvacru,
' mother-in-law.'

Stems ending in a diphthong.

Go, ' A Cow.'

Singular. Plural.

N. V. go. gavo, gdvo.

Acc. gavam, gdvam, gdvum. gavo, gdvo.

Instr. gavena, gdvena. gobhi, gohi.

D. G. gavassa, gdvassa. gavam, gonam, gunnam.

DECLENSION.

75

Singular. Plural.
Abl. gavd, gdvd, gavasmd, gd- gobhi, gohi.
vasmdy gavamhd, ga-
vamhd.

Loc. gave, gave, gavasmim, gosu9 gavesu, dvesu.
gavasmim, gavamhi,
gavamhi.

We find throughout the declension a new stem, gava or gdva,
which is inflected like a masculine a-atevn ; we meet even with
a nom. pi. gavd, Jat. i. 336, together with the nom. pi. gdviyo,
of the fern. gdvi.

All other diphthongic stems have disappeared in Pali : nau
has become ndvd following the declension of the feminine ci-
sterns, dyu has become divo with the only exception of the
instr. sing, diva, which is used like an adverb in Pali.

Consonantal Stems.
Stems in nasals.
These are considered by the native grammarians as belong-
ing to the vowel-stems.

(1) in an.
Attan = atman, ' Self.'
Singular. Plural.

Nora.

attd.

attdno.

Voc.

atta, attd.

attano.

Acc.

attdnam, attam.

attdno.

Instr.

attand, [attena'].

attanebhi, attanehi.

D. G.

attano.

attdnam.

Abl.

attand.

attanebhi, attanehi.

Loc.

attani.

attanesu.

70

PALI GRAMMAR.

A parallel form is dtumd with the same inflexion, and besides,
tumo, Fausb. S. N. 170. The instr. attena, the abl. attasmd,
attamhd, and the loc. attasmim, attamhi, given by Clough, have
not yet been found in any old text.

Brahman, 1 Brahma.'

Nom.

Voc.

Acc.

Instr.

D. G.

Abl.

Loc.

Singular.

brahmd.
brahme.

brahmdnam, brahmam.
brahmand,, brahmund.
brahmuno, [brahmassa],
brahmand, brahmund.
brahmani.

Plural.

brahndno.
brahmdno.
brahmdno.

brahnebhi, brahmehi.
b ra hmd nam, brahmunam.
brahmebhi, brahmehi.
brahmesu.

The voc. sing, brahme, Kacc. 96, is formed after the analogy
of the z-steras.

Rdjan, 1 A King.'
Singular. Plural.

raja. rdjdno.
raja, raja]. rdjdno.
rdjdnam, rdjam. rdjdno.
ranTid, rdjena. rdjubhi, rdjuhi, rdjebht, rd-

jehi.

D. G. ranno, rdjino, [rdjassa]. rannam, rdjunam, rdjdnam.

rannd. rdjubhi, rdjuhi, rdjebhi, rd-

jehi.

ranne, rdjini. rdjusu, rdjesu.

Nom.
Voc.
Acc.
Instr.

Abl.

Loc.

We find an instr. muddhand from muddhd, ' the head,'
Mali. 117, and a loc. muddhani, ib. 108 ; an instr. rdjaiid, which

DECLENSION. 77

I think cannot be correct, has been given by Fausholl, Jat.
iii. 180, and a gen. rannassa, Jat. iii. 70. The forms rdjam,
rdjena suppose a stem raja, rdjino and rdjini are simply formed
by epenthesis ; in the plural we have to adopt a stem rdju, from
which all the cases can be derived. The legend PAONANO
PAO on the Indobactrian coins does not represent a Pali form
rdjundnam raja with double suffix, as Kuhn believed, but is
a Skythian title formed on the model of rajadiraja, comp.
Olden berg, Ind. Ant. x. 215 note.

Some substantives belonging to this declension in Samskrit
follow the ^-declension in Pali, as Fessa&#mw20=Vicvakarmau,
' name of a celestial architect/ spelt Vissukamma, Cariy i. 9, 41 ;
vivattachaddo=vivrittaGhsLdma,n9 * one by whom the veil is rolled
away;' puthulomo = \)r\thu\oma>n, 'a fish ;' athabhana = atharvan,
yakana=ysiktdn, 4 the liver chaka, chakana ;=eakan, 'dung.'

Yuvan, 4 Young.'

Singular. Plural.

Nom. yuvd. yuvdno, yuvdnd.

Voc. yuva,yuvd,yuvdna,yuvdnd. yuvdno, yuvdnd.

Acc. yuvdnam, yuvam. yuvdne, yuve.

Instr. yuvdnd, yuvdnena, yuvena. yuvdnebhi, yuvdnehi, yu-

vebhi, yuvehi.

D. G. yuvdnassa, yuvassa. yuvdndnam, yuvdnam.

Abl. yuvdnd, yuvdnasmd, yuvd- yuvdnebhi, yuvdnehi, yu-

namhd. vebhi, yuvehi.

Loc. yuvdne, yuvdnasmim, yuvd- yuvdnesu, yuvdsu,yuvesu.

namhi, yuve, yuvasmim,

yuvamhi.

78

PALI GRAMMAR.

Most of these forms suppose a new stem yuvdna, formed
from the acc. sing. Besides we have a stem yuna, from which
the nom. sing, yuno, f. yum, is formed, according to Kacc. 328.

Sd = cvan,

A. L>Og.

Singular.

Plural.

Nom.

sd.

sd, [sdno].

Voc.

sa.

sd.

Acc.

sam. [sdnam~\.

se.

Instr.

sena.

sdbhi, sdhi.

Dat.

say a, sassa.

sdnam.

Abl.

sd,, sasmd, samhd.

sdbhi, sdhi.

Gen.

sassa.

sdnam.

Loc.

se, sasmirn, samhi.

sdsu.

Besides we have for the nom. sing, the forms sdno, svdno,
suvdno, 8ono and sutio. Other words following the same inflec-
tion are jmccaklhadhanund, = pratyakshadharman, ' whose
virtues are evident,' and cjaiidivadhanvd, ' using the bow
Gandiva,' Kacc. 182.

A few substantives form only some cases according to the
nasal inflection, while the other cases follow another declension,
as kammam — karman, 'action,' which forms the 'instr. sing.
kamtnund, kammand and kammena, the gen. kammuno and
kammassa, Pat. 11; abl. kammd, Db. v. 127, loc. kammani.
Thdmo — sthamas, 4 strength,' forms part of its cases after the
nasal inflection as the instr. th&7nund, Kacc. 81, but generally
thdmasd, Suttavibh. ii. 134, Mah. 143 (Tumour thdmavd), gen.
thdmuno. In the same way addhd—aAh\an, 'a road,' forms
addhano and addhuno ; bhasmam = bhasman, 1 ashes/ loc.
bhasmani.

DECLENSION.

79

JPumd= pums, 'a man.'

Singular.
Nom. puma.
Voc. pumam.
Acc. pumam.

Instr. pumdnd, pumund, pumena*
D. G. pumuuo, pumassa.
Abl. pumund.

Loc. pumdne, pume, pumasmim,
pumamhi.

A nom. sing, pwwo occurs Cariy. iii. 6, 2, similar to tumo—
atma, Fausb. S. N. 170.

Plural.

pumdno.
pumdno.
pumdne.

pumdnehhi, pumdnehi.
pumdnam.

pumdnehhi, pumdnehi.
pumdsu, pumesu.

(2). Adjectives terminating in mant and vant.

Gunavant, ■ virtuous.'

Singular.
Nom. gunavd, gunavanto.
Voc. gunavam, gunava, gunavd.
Acc. gunavantam, gunavam.
Instr. gunavatd, gunavantena.
J). Or. gunavato, gunavantassa,

gunavassa.
Abl. gunavatd.

Loc. gunavati, gunavante, guna-
vantasmim, gunavantamhi.

Plural.

gunavanto, gunavantd.
gunavanto, gunavantd.
gunavante.

gunavantehhi, gunavant ehu
gunavatam, gunavantdnam.

gunavantehhi, gunavantehi.
gunavantesu.

The neuter has in the nom. Voc. acc. sing, gunavam, pi.
gunavanti, gunavantdni. The fern, is made by adding i to the
strong or the weak form, gunavanti or gunavati ; it follows the
declension of the 2-stems.

80

PALI GRAMMAR.

The participles in ant follow this declension with the only
exception of the nom. sing, whicli they form in am or a?ito, as
gaccham, gacchantoy ' going.'

A nom. from the weak form jivato for jivanto occurs in a
verse, Jat. iii. 539 ; an acc. vajatam, Vasala Sutta, v. 6 ; asatom,
Dh. v. 73, Vasala Sutta v. 16. From the root kar we have the
part. nom. pi. masc. karontd, Dh. v. 66 ; nom. sing. fem. karonti,
Dh. 246; gen. sing. masc. karoto, Dh. v. 116; instr. tamkhdr
rontena, in a passage of Petavatthuvannana quoted I. O. C. p. 79 ;
all .these forms follow the 3rd pers. pi. karonti. Besides we
have the gen. anukubbassa, Jat. iii. 108, rendered in the Maha-
vastu by krityanukaryasya.

Arahant, 'an Arhat/ forms the nom. sing, araham and araha,
the former being the regular one, the latter following the
analogy of mahd. In the nom. pi. we have arahanto and arahd,
Dip. 30, Anecd. 7. A similar nom. pi. mahd occurs Ab. 413.
Kacc. 94 gives a nom. sing, maham which does not occur
anywhere else ; the nom. sing, mahd occurs separately, Dh.
298, Mah. 132, and besides very often in compounds.

In the pi. we have one instance of an old form sabbhi-=.
sadbhis, Dh.-v. 151.

In the neuter nom. sing, we have the forms brahd, Ab. 700,
madhicvd, Dh. v. 69; as<ra=asat, Jat. ii. 32.

Of participles of the perfect in vams we have bhayadassivd=.
°darcivams; vidvams forms nom. sing, aviddasu, Dh. 47; nom.
pi. aviddasu, C. xii. 1, 3 ; besides we have sabbavidu, Dh. v.
353 ; lokavidu=\okavid of the Northern Buddhists, Lotus 860.

DECLENSION.

81

Bhavam, ' Sir.'

Singular. Plural.
Nom. bhavam. bhavanto, bhonto, bhavantd.

Voc. bho, blionta. bhavanto, bhonto, bhante.

Acc. bhavantam, bhotam. bhavante, bhonte.

Instr. bhavatd, bhotd,bhavantena.
D. G. bhavato, bhoto, bhavantassa.
Abl. bhavatd, bhotd.

The fern, shows the forms bhavantL bhavati, bhoti, PI. bhotiyo.
(3). Sterns in in.

Dandiny ' a mendicant.*

Plural.

dandino, dandi.
dandino, dandi.
dandino, dandi.

Singular.
Nom. dandi.
Voc. dandi.
Acc. dandinam, dandim
Instr. dandind.
D. G-. dandino, dandissa.
Abl. dandind, ddndismd, dan-
dimhd.

Loc. dandini, dandismim, dan-
dimhi.

dandibhi, dandihi.
dandinam.
dandibhi, dandihi.

dandisti.

At M, vi. 28, 11, we have an acc. pi. brahnacariye, of brah-
macarin, 6 holy and at Mahaparinibb. 16, we have the same
passage with the v. 1. brahnacdrayo ; the nom. pi. sabrahnacdri
occurs Mahaparin. 5. Z^2=dvipin, 'a leopard,' forms the
nom. pi. dlpiyo, Jat. xiv. 1, 27. The oblique cases of the
plural have a short i only in verses: pdninam, Dh. 135, anuyo-
ginam, Dh. v. 209. An instance of a nom. sing, with lis Sctthi

82

PA LI GRAMMAR.

=cre8btin,- ' a treasurer, merchant,' Jafc. i. 120, 122, where all
M8S. agree in the spelling.

Examples of an enlarged stem are sdramatino nom. sing.=
aararaati, Mil. 420; verinesu from verin, 'hostile,' Dh. v. 197.

(4). Sfcems in r.

Satthd= castri, 1 the teacher.'

Singular.

Nom. satthd.

Voc. sattha, satthu.

Acc. sattharam, sattharam.

Instr. satthardj satthdrd, satthund.

D. Gh satthu, satthussa.

Abl. satthard, satthdrd.

Loc. satthari.

Plural.

satthdro.
satthdro.

satthdro, sat t hare,
satthdrebhi, satthdrehi.
satthdnam, satthdrdnam
satthdrebhi; satthdrehi,
satthdresu.

Here also some stems have adopted the a-declension, as
sallakatta—qaiiy akartri, 4 a physician,' Mil. 110, Att 208, to
which Childers compares ndhapita= snhyitn, i a barber;' kattara
=kartri, 'a weak man,' in kattaradanda, M. v. 6, 2 ; kattara-
suppa, M. vii. 1, 4; and theta= sthhtri, 6 firm,' Gr. 5. In
composition the base generally terminates in u, as soiu—qrotr\,
' hearer,' Dath, vi. 6 (the gen. pi. sotunam occurs in a passage
of the Mahavagga of the Digbanikaya, quoted I. O. C. 69) ;
6/«ato=bhartri, 'husband,' Jat. li. 348; ma7id/*ato=mandhatri,
Jat. ii. 310. The voc. sing, sattha occurs Kacc. 116 ; the acc.
sattharam, Bv. xxii. 14; an instr. satthdya, Dh. 87; the gen.
satthussa, Mah. 240.

DECLENSION.

S3

jPifa = pitri

, 4 a father.'

Singular.

Plural.

Nom.

pita.

pi tar o.

Voc.

])ita, pita.

pitaro.

Acc.

pi tar am, pitum.

pitaro, pitare.

Instr.

pitard, pitund, petyd.

pitarebhi, pitarehi, pitublii,

pituhi.

D. G.

pitu, pituno, pitussa.

pitardnam, pitdnam, pitunam.

pitunnam.

Abl.

pitard.

pitarebhi, pitarehi, pitubhi,

pituhi.

Loc.

pitari.

pitaresu, pitusu.

Mdtd=mktxi9 *a mother.'

Singular.
Nom. mdtd.
Voc. mat a, mdtd.
Acc. mdtaram.

AwfF" } m^tard, mdtuyd, mdtyd.

Plural.

mdtaro.
mdtaro.

mdtaro, mdtare.

( mdtarebhi, mdtarehi, mdtu-
\ bhi, mdtuhu
mdtardnam, mdtdnam, mdtu-
nam, mdtunnam.
mdtavi, mdtuyam, maty am, mdtaresu, mdtusu.
mdtuyd, mdtyd.

D. G. mdtu, mdtuyd, mdtyd.

Loc.

The acc. sing, pitum occurs Cariy. ii. 9, 3 ; the instr. mdtyd
and petyd, Jat. 527, v. 3, 5 ; the gen. mdtussa, given by Kacc.
98, is not found anywhere else, and belongs most probably to a
bahuvrihi (Torp. 33). An abl. pitito and mdtito, ' on father's
and on mother's side,' occurs Kacc. 102, and in a passage from
a commentary quoted by Alwis, Introd. xlv.

84

PALI ORAM MA It.

The norn. pi. mdtdrapitaro, where both stems are inflected,
occurs Ang. p. 121 ; the gen. mdtdpitvnaam, Ten Jat. 92. An
acc. pi. bhdte occurs Dip. 6, 21, 22.

The declension of dhitd, 1 daughter/ is on the whole the
same as that of mdtd ; we find, however, a voc. dhite, Db. 364,
Jat. iii. 21 ; and an acc. pi. dhitd, Jat. i. 240. In composition
we have dhititthdna, Mah. 222 ; dhituhetu, Mil. 117.

Sakhi, ' a friend.'

Singular. Plural.

Nom. sakhd. sakhdyo, sakhdno, sakhino.

Yoc. sak ha, sakhd, sakhi, sakhi, sakhdyo, sakhdno, sakhino.

sakhe.

Acc. sakhdnam, sakham, sakhd- sakhi, sakhdyo, sakhdno,

ram. sakhino.

Instr. \ safcfcnfi f sakhdrebhi, sakhdrehi, sakhe-

Abl. ) Sa una' ( bhi, sakhehi.

D. GL sakhino, sakhissa. sakhdrdnam, sakhinam.

Loc. sakhe. sakhdresu, sakhesu.

The acc. sakham occurs Jat. ii. 348; an abl. sakhdrasmd is
found Jat. iii. 534 ; sakhito, Att. 216. Acc. pi. sakhi.
Att. 203.

(5). Stems in s.
Manas, ' the mind.'
Singular.

N. V. A. mano, manam*

Instr. manasd, manena.

D. G. manaso, manassa.

Abl. manasd, manasmd, manamhd.

Loc. manasi, mane, manasnam, manamhi.

COMPARISON OF ADJECTIVES.

85

The plural of manas not in use. The others form it after
the a -declension. The nom. acc. manam occurs Dh. v. 96,
Cariy. i. 8, 5; rajam, 1 dust,' Dh. v 313, but rajo (with the
adj. in the .masc), Dh. v. 125; sumedham, Dh. v. 208, but
sumedhaso, Dh. v. 29; voc. dummedka, Dh. v. 394; a gen.
tapassa occurs Jat. i. 293 ; nom. pi. sumana, Kh. 6.

Candramas, ' the moon,' becomes candimd ; jaras. ' old age,'
jard ; and apsaras, 4 a celestial nymph/ acchard; all these follow
the a-declension.

The comparatives in yo, iyyo, follow the declension of mano;
.s^ = crey as, ' better;' y«nyo=gariyas, from guru, 6 heavy.'

Ayus, 6 life.'

Singular. Plural.

N. V. A. dyu, dyum. dyuni, dyu.

Instr. dyusd, dyund. dyubhi, dyuhL

D. G. dyussa, dyuno. dyunam.

Loc. dyusi, dyuni dyusu.

The instr. dyusd occurs Kh. 16; dyund, Dh. 288; the gen.
dyussa, Mah. 220; dyuno, Dh. 128.

§ 15. Comparison of Adjectives,

Adjectives with vowel bases form their comparison in two
ways : —

(1) By adding tara for the comparative and tama for the
superlative.

(2) By adding /yo, yo for the comparative and ittha for the
superlative.

Thus, from papa, ' bad,' we can form pdpatara, pdpatama

86

PALI QBAMMAR.

and pdpiyo, pdpi((ha, Kacc. 196. The comparative of no. 1
may be combined with the superlative of no. 2; thus we obtain
pdpifthatara, C. i. 6, 2. Besides, the comparative of no. 2 may
be increased by the addition of the suffix ika, which gives us
pdpiyyasika in tassapdpii/ynsikdkamma, M. ix. 6, 2 ; and with
contraction pdpissika.

Adjectives terminating in mant, vant and vin, drop these
suffixes before the comparative and superlative suffixes, as for
inst. gunavd comp. guniyo, sup. gunittha ; medhdvt comp. medhiyo,
sup. wed kit (ha.

Some adjectives form their comp. and sup. from entirely
different bases :

antika, ' near.' Comp. nediyo. Sup. nedi\tha.

bdlha, 4 strong.' „ sddhiyo. „ sddhittha.

vuddha, * old.' „ jeyyo. „ jettha.

§ 16. Pronominal Inflexion.

(1) Personal Pronouns of the First and Second Persons.
First Person.

seyi/o.

haniyo.

kanittha.

sett ha.

Singular.
Nom. aham.
Acc. mam, mam am.

Instr. Abl. may a.
Dat. Gen. mama, mamam.

mayham, amham
Loc. mayi.

Plural.

vayam, may am, amhe.
asme, amhe, amhdkam.
amhebhi, amhehi.
amhdkam, amham.

amhesu

PRONOMINAL INFLEXION*

87

Second Person.

Singular.
Nora. tvam, tuvam.
Acc. tvam, tuvam.

tamy tavam.
Instr. Abl. tvayd, tayd.
Dat. Gen. tava, tavam.

tuyham, tumham.
Loc. tvayi, tayi.

PluraL
tumJie.

tumhe, tumhdkam.

tumhehhi, tumhehi.
tumhdkam, tumham.

tumhesu.

Besides, we have the enclitic forms : me, te for instr. dat.
and gen. sing.; no, vo for acc. dat. and gen. pi.

The old form of the nom. pi. vayam occurs Dh. 105, the acc.
pi. asme, Jat. iii. 359. The acc. pi. amhdkam and tumhdkam
are borrowed from the gen. The nom. pi. amhe and the gen.
amham and tumham, amhdnam and tumhdnam, are only found in
Kacc. 83, 84.

The enclitic forms no and vo may also be used for the nom.,
according to Kacc. 78.

Nom.
Acc.
Instr.

(2) The Demonstrative Pronoun.
(a) Stem ta, 1 this.'
Singular,

Masc. and Neuter. Feminine.
so, sa, tarn (tad), sd.

tarn, tarn (tad), tarn,

tena. tdya.

Dat. Gen. tassa. tassd, tassdya, tissd, tissdya, tdya.

Abl. tasmd, tamhd. tdya.

Loc. tasmim, tamhi tassam, tdsam, tissam, tdyam.

88

PALI GRAMMAR.

Plural.

Masc. and Neuter.

Nom Acc. te, tdni.
lnstr. Abl. tebhi, tehi.
Dat. Gen. tesam, tesdnam.
Loc. tesu.

Feminine.
td, tdyo.
tdbhi, tdhi.
t&sam, tdsdnam.
tdsu.

For ail the forms beginning with t we may substitute the
corre ponding forms of the stem na. At Kacc. 89, the follow-
ing forms are given : ndya, nam, ne, nesu, namhi, ndhi. Besides
we have the stems eta and ena, which are inflected like ta and
na respectively.

In the nom. sing, we generally have so, the form of the
substantives, sa occurs Dh. v. 142, 267, 268. A gen. sing,
masc. tasmassa is found Anecd. 15, and at Mil. 136 all MSS.
give tdsam for the loc. sing, fern., which is no doubt a correct
form, comp. nesam, ib. 179.

(b) Sten

Sin

Masc. and Neuter.
Nom. ay am, idam, imam.
Acc. imam, idam, imam.
Tnstr. imind, anena.
D. G. iviassa, assa.

Abl. tmasmd, imamhd, asmd.
Loc. imasmim, imamhi, asmim.

ima, 4 this.'
ular.

Feminine

ay am.
imam,
imdya.

imissd, imissdya, imdya, assd,

assdya
imdya.

imissam, inidsam, imdyam, as-

sam.

PRONOMINAL INFLEXION.

89

Plural.

Masc. and Neuter.

N. A. ime, imdni.
In. Ab. imebhi, imehi, ebJd, eki.
1). G. imesam, imesdnam,

esam, esdnam.
Loc. imesu.

Feminine.

imd, imdyo.
imdbki, imdhi.
imdsam, imdsdnam.

In tadamind for tadimind, Vasala Sutta, v. 22, i is changed to
a by dissimilation.

(c) Stem amu, 4 that.'

Singular.

Masc. and Neuter.

Nom. asu, adum.

Acc. amum, adum.

Instr. amund.

Dat. Gen. amussa.

Abl. amusmd, amumhd.

Loc. amusmim, amumhi.

Feminine.

asu.

arnurn.

amuyd.

atnussd, amuyd.
amuyd.

araussam, amuyam.

Plural.

Masc. and Fem. Neuter.

Nom. Acc. amu, amuyo. amu, amunu

Instr. Abl. amubhi, aniuhi*
Dat. Gen. amumm,arnusdnam.
Loc. amusu .

90

PALI GRAMMAR.

Nom.

Acc.

Instr.

Dat. Gen

AW.

Loc.

Nom.

Acc.

Instr.

Dat. Gen,

Abl.

Loc.

(3) Relative Pronoun
Stem ya, 1 which.'
Singular.

Masc. and Neuter.
yo, yam (yad).
yam, yam {yad).
yena.

yamhd.

yasmim, yamhi.

Plural

Masc. and Neuter.

ye, ydni.
ye, ydni.
yebhi, yehi.
yesam.
yebhiy yehi.
yesu.

Feminine.

yd.
yam.
ydya.
yassd, ydya.
ydya.

yassam, ydyam.

Feminine.

yd, ydAjo.
yd, ydyo.
ydbhi, ydhi.
ydsam.
ydbhi, ydhi.
ydsu.

(4) Interrogative Pronouns.

Stem ha, ' which.'

The inflexion of this stem is like that of ya with the follow-
ing exceptions : The nom. sing. neut. is kirn ; in the dat. and
gen. masc. and neut. sing, we have Jcassa and kissa, in the
loc. kasmim, kamhi, kismim and kimhi.

The indefinite pronouns are formed by adding the particles
ciy apl and carta to the forms of the interrogative.

NUMEEALS.

91

Besides, we have a number of words which although not
being pronouns in the true sense of the word, still follow the
pronominal inflexion : First of all, possessives like wiadiya,
tndmaka, 6 mine/ amhadiya, 6 our/ would belong to this class,
but of these we only find nominatives in our texts. Next
come the adjectives composed with drig, as mddisa, ' like me /
etddisa or etdrisa, and idisa, 6 like this Mdisa, 4 like what /
cirassam for cirassa, 6 long since,' seems to be a pronominal
form.

By adding the suffixes tara, tama (already found in com-
parison of adjectives) to the interrogative stems, we obtain the
pronominal adjectives Icatara and Jcatama, which do not differ
in their signification much from the single pronoun.

The other adjectives inflected according to the pronominal
inflexion, are sabha and vissa = sarva and vigva, 6 all anna =
'anya, ' other/ with its derivatives annatara, annatama ; itara,
'other/ uttara, uttama, 'higher/ adhara, 'inferior/ apara, para,
1 other / daJckhina, ' right / pulba, 4 former amuka and asuka,
'this.' The numeral for one, eka, also follow the same
declension.

The grammarian MoggaHina (Alwis Catal., 184), asserts that
these adjectives can also follow the regular declension of the a-
stems, and gives some passages from unknown texts.

§ 17. Numerals.

(1) Cardinals.

1 eka.

2 dvi.

3 ti.

4 catu

92

PALI GRAMMAR.

9 nava,

10 dasa.

11 ekddasa, ekdrasa.

12 dvddasa, bdrasa.

13 terasa.

14 catuddasa, coddasa,

19 ('k una visam, ekunavisati.

20 visum, vised i.
30 timsani. timsati.

40 cattdrlsam^cattdlisam, tdlisam.
50 pan rids am, pahiidsa.
GO satthi, satthim.
70 sattati, sattari.
80 tf.v?7/.
90 navuti.
100 sat am.

cud dasa.

15 pa a cad a sa.

16 solasa.

17 sattadasa, satta^asa.

18 atthddasa, aft hd rasa. 1000 sahassam.

The forms visam, timsam, etc.. show that the termination ft'
of the Samskrit, can be replaced in Pali by the anusvara. We
find the anusvara occasionally also where it has no right to be,
as in dvddasavi, Mah. 8 ; satthim = shashti, Dh. 211. When
the nasal is dropped the remaining a may be lengthened.

The intermediate numerals between visam and timsam, etc.,
are regular, with the only exception that instead of dvi we
generally find dm, bd (or dva, ha before a double consonant),
as in dvdvisati, bdvtsati, dvattimsa, battimsa, dvenavuti, and
instead of ti, te as in tovlsati. For caturaciti we have culld-
siti, for pancavimcatipawflwwstfw, Jat. iii. 138.

From cha we have a plural chaldni, Dip. 108, and for twelve
dviccha = dvishash, Ab. 195.

About the declension of eka, see the Pronouns.

Dvi and the synonymous ublio have the following inflexion .
N. A. dve, duve. ubho, ubJie.

I. A. dvibhi, dvihi. ubhobhi, ubhohi, ubhebhi, uhhehi.

D. G. dvinnam, duvinnam. ubhinnam.
Loc. dvlsu. ubhosu. ubhesu.

NUMERALS.

93

Vbho = Skt. ubhnu is one of the few rests of the Dual
remaining in Pali (see above, p. 65).

In the numerals ti and catic we have separate forms for the
fem., very much in the same way as in Skt. :

Masc. and Neuter.
Nom. Acc. tayo, tint. cattdro, caturo, cattdri.

Instr. Abl. tibhi, tiki. catubbhi, catubhi, catuhi.

Dat. Gren. ti?ina?n, tinnannam, catunnam.
Loc. tisu. catusu.

Feminine.

Norn. Acc. tisso. catasso.

Instr. Abl. tibhi, tihi. catubbhi, catubhi, catuhi.

Dat. Gren. tissannam. catassannam.

Loc. tisu. catusu.

Panca forms the instr. abl. pancahi, Gren. Dat. pancannam,
Loc. pancasu, and this is the declension all numerals in a
follow.

The numerals in i are declined like the fem. z-stems, satam
and sahassam like neuters in am.

Satam and sahassam, in conjunction with a noun, can be joined
to nouns in the following ways :

(1) With a noun in the gen. pi., as itthinam panca satdni,
five hundred women.'

(2) With a noun in the nom. pi. {satam being ither in the
sing, or in the pi.), as pancasatam yati, ' 500 yatis/ or pari casatd
bhikkhu, 1 500 mendicants. 1

(3) With a noun in the sing., as chacattdlisam vassam
atikamma, ' after the lapse of 146 years.'

94

PALI GRAMMAR.

(4) As a compound, the numeral being the last part, as
gdthdsatam, ' 100 stanzas.'

(5) As a compound, the numeral being the first part, as
sahassajatila, ' a thousand jatilas.'

Another form of sahassa is sahassi, which is used pro-
miscuously as a masc. and fern, in connection with cakkavdla
or vasudhd, &c, as dasasahassi-cakkavdle, ' in ten thousand
worlds/ Dh. 94. Sometimes the subst. is omitted, and dasasa-
hassi is treated like a fern, noun, as dasasahassi pakampati, 'ten
thousand worlds quake,' comp. Senart, Mahavastu 373.

The Ordinals,

The Ordinals for five, and from seven upwards, are formed by
adding the suffix ma to the cardinal, as paricama, 'the fifth/
sattama, 'the seventh the fem. terminates in t, the neuter in
ant, and they are declined like the corresponding substantives.

The Ordinal forms of the first numerals are: one, pathama ;
two, dutiya ; three, tatiya ; four, catuttha ; six, chattha ; sattha
(only known from Kacc. 200) and chatthama, Jat. i. 22, Bv.
ii. 142.

From twenty upwards we have two forms, one by adding ma
to the cardinal in ti, as vtsatima, ' the twentieth •/ and one by
dropping the termination ti, as visa, timsa, &c.

From satam, sahassam, we have the ordinals satama, sahas-
sama.

Besides, we have fem. ordinals in i to designate the day of
the month; as pahcami, 'the fifth day ekddasi, 'the eleventh
day,' &c.

CONJUGATION.

95

§ 18. Conjugation.

The division of the Pali Verb, as established by the native
grammarians, is on the whole the same as that of the Skt.
They admit of seven classes, of which the first again is divided
into four conjugations; these correspond to the classes i., vi.,
ii., iii. of the Samskrit grammarians, and the other six classes
to the remaining Samskrit classes in the following order, vii.,
iv., v., ix., viii., x. Thus we obtain the following divisions of
the Pali Verb: —

First class : — (a) Verbs terminating in i, u or a consonant,
which take guna and the vowel a : \/ hhu, bhavdmi, 4 to be.'

(b) Verbs ending in consonants which take the vowel a, but
no guna : \/ tud, tuddmi, 4 to pierce.'

(c) Verbs ending in vowels which take guna, but add the
personal endings without an in tervening vowel : \/ i, emi 4 to go.'

(d) Verbs forming their bases by reduplication: \/ hu
juhomi, 4 to sacrifice; '

The third division (c) is given in the Dhatumanjusa as huvd-
dayo, where M is another form of the root bhu, ' to be/ forming
its present homi.

Second class: — Verbs taking the a-vowel and inserting a
nasal before the final consonant of the root : \/ rudh, rundh-
dmi, ' to restrain.'

Third class : — Verbs adding the suffix ya, yd to the root :
\/ div, dibbdmiy ' to play.'

Fourth class : — Verbs adding the suffixes nd, nu (which
becomes no by guna) or una to the root : \/ gru, sundmi or
sunomi, 4 to hear;' dp, pdpundmi, 4 to attain.'

Fifth class : —Verbs ending in a vowel, which add the suffix
nd to the root : y/ kri, kindmi, 4 to buy.'

PALI GRAMMAR.

Sixth class: — Verbs ending in a consonant, which add u for
o by guna) to the root : \f tan, tanomi, ' to stretch.'

Seventh class : — Verbs adding the suffix aya (or e by con-
traction) to the root: \/ cur, cor ay ami or coremi, 'to steal.'

Verbs have two voices, the Par ass apod a or Transitive, and
the Attanopada or Intransitive; the use of the latter is much
more restricted than in Sarpskrit, most of the Attanopada verbs
having adopted the Parassapada terminations.

We distinguish in Pali, as in Sarpskrit, special and general
tenses. It must, however, be observed that the special and
general bases very often take the place of one another, as will
be shown hereafter.

Special tenses : —

(L) Present Indicative, Subjunctive, Optative and

Imperative.
(2) Imperfect.

General tenses : —

(1) Perfect.

(2) Aorist.

(3) Future.

(4) Conditional.

Terminations of the Present Indicative.
Parassapada. Attanopada.
Sing. PI. Sing. PI.

mi ma e mhe (make, mho)

si tha se vhe

ti nti te nte, re

These terminations are very similar to the corresponding
ones in Samskrit. In the first pers. pi. of the Attan. we some-

CONJUGATION.

97

times find the fuller form in make, as bhasmibhavdmahe, Mah. 6;
the termination rnha shortened from mhe occurs in dadamha,
Dh. 188, mannamka, Dh. 205 (the long d is crasis for the i of
the following iti, see above, p. 60). Instead of ante in the
third pers. pi. we frequently meet with the termination are,
especially in old texts, metrical as well as prosaical, as miyyare
= mriyante, 1 they die/ Das. Jat. 34 ; udiccare from udiksh,
1 they looked,' M. I. 15, 6; abhikirare, ' they overwhelm,' Jat.
iii. 57. This are is most probably the vedic termination re of
the third pers, pi. atmanep. as in crinvire ; it also exists in
Prak. Hem. iii. 142.

We have to consider first the verbs that add the termina-
tions immediately to the root (which form the second class in
Samskrit, in Pali division (c) of the first class). The paradigm
adopted by the native grammarians is hu = bhu, 6 to be.' It
forms its present as follows : —

Other roots belonging to this class are those terminating in
a, like yd, ' to go,' vd, ' to blow,' which have entirely the same
inflexion as in Skt., only that they shorten the d in the third
pers. pi., yanti=Skt. yanti. Besides, the root yd may follow
the third class, as in ydyanti, M. v. 9, 4. r^a=stha, kto stand,'
forms its present thdti and titthati, e.g., thdta, Dh. 123, sam-
thdti, Dh. 429; from dd we have a present, ddti, Kacc. 264,
imper. first pers. pi. nipaddmase, Jat. iii. 120 (explained by
the commentary nikdrapakdrd upasaggd ddmase ti attho). Paj-
fhdti, Jat. iii. 534, is most probably derived from jhd — ksha,
4 to decay,' comp. pajjhdyi^ pegjhdjfasi9 Suttavibh. i. 19, ii. 5.

K

homi

hosi

hoti

homa
hotha
Tionti

98

PALI GRAMMAR.

From dhyd we have pajjhdyanto, 'groaning,' Mil. 5, if Trenckner's
translation is correct, and according to Senart, Mahavastu 377,
also the present dvajjati and dvajjeti, ' to consider,' which
would have dropped the aspiration. From snd, ' to bathe,' we
have an imper. nahdhi belonging to this class, Jat. ii. 325.
From thdti and dhdti = dadhdti we come to the forms thahati
and dahati which are in very frequent use in Pali.

Of verbs terminating in i we have to mention here besides
% and p2, which belong to this class also in Skt., ni, 'to lead,'
cri, 'to lean,' ji, 'to conquer,' di and Ji, ' to fly.' I seems to
form its present very much as in Skt., for the first and second
pers. pi. of course we get ema, etha, instead of imas, ita ; for the
third pi. Childers adduces a form samudayanti from Brahmajalas.
Atth. which is formed from samudenti by false analogy. In
the present vyapanenti quoted by Minayeff, p. xxxii. from Uda-
nagatha and in vassupandyika, M. iii. 2, 2, we have derivations
from i with the prepositions apart and upan respectively, which
make them look as though they were derived from ni, com p.
Vinaya Texts, i. xxxvii. A present ayati belonging to the bid-
class is given in Dhm., but has not yet been found in any
text.

Ql forms its present semi, Cariy. ii. 2, 3, third pi. senti, Dh.
28 ; in the part, we have semdna, Jat. i. 180, Man. 49 ; saya-
mdna, Att. 218.

Ni forms neti and nayati according to Kacc. 261 ; part, upa-
nento, Dh. 154; gerund apanetvd instead of °nitvd by false
analogy.

Qri forms a present apatiseti, C. vi. 20, 2, comp. apassena for
apacrayana.

Ji has the present jayati, jeii and jindti, Kacc. 261 ; opt.
jeyya for jayeyya, Dh. v. 103.

CONJUGATION.

99

Di (and Ji) forms its present deii, Gr. 136. There .are two
compounds of this root, oddeti and uddeti, the explanation of
which causes considerable difficulty. Oddeti occurs in the
signification, ' to place, to lay nets,' Jat. i. 274, ii. 443, 5, 52,
153, 183, 238, Suttavibh. i. 22 (v. 1. otti, Buddh. oddM ti abhi-
mukham thapesi), uddeti, i to cast a net,' Ang. i. 24, 4. Morris,
in a note to this last passage, identifies the two forms, and he
is no doubt right, but I believe uddeti to be the original one,
and oddeti a later change. Instead of omdna, Jat". ii. 443, vs. 1,
we ought to read demdna. A causative of the same root is
uttepeti, 6 to frighten away,' M. i. 51, comp. uddapita, Qatr. 10,
91, and perhaps nidddyati, Jat. i. 215, nidddpeii, C. vii. 1, 2 ;
but these two might also belong to da, dyati. In Prak. we
have uddihiyarp, Paiyal. 182.

The root bru, which is generally given as paradigm of this
class in Skt., shows the following conjugation in Pali: —

Parassapada. Attanopada.

brumi bruma brave brumhe

brusi brutha bruse bruvhe

bruti, bravtti bravanti hilte bravante

The root han has hanti in the third pers. sing., but hanati,
Mil. 220, hananti in the third pi., Db. 64, for Skt. ghnanti.

Vac fbrms vatti and vacati, according to Saddaniti, but these
forms have not yet been found in any text.

The root as, 'to be,' has the following inflexion: —
asmi, amhi asma, amha

asi attha
atthi sanii
At Jat. iii. 309 we have a curious first pers. pi., amJiase, which
looks like an imperf. attanop. but is used like a present.

100

PALI GRAMMAR.

The synonymous root acchati is now proved beyond doubt
to belong to as, from which it proceeds through the aorist
acchi, see Trenckner, Pali Misc. 61, PischeJ, Gott. Anz. 1865,
p. 627, Torp 88. We find the compound samacchati, in the
original signification, ' to sit down,' Jat. ii. 67. The aorist
acchi occurs Dh. 158, Suttavibh. i. 35.

The present pdheti, ' to send/ also belongs to this class,
although it is given by the grammarians among the svddayo
and tanddayo. The d in the first syllable shows that it is only
deduced by false analogy from the aorist pdhesi= Skt. pra-
haishit, but it is considered as a genuine present in Pali.

As a paradigm of division (d) of the first class, I give here
the conjugation of the root hu> 1 to sacrifice.'

juhomi. juhoma.
juhosi. juhotha.
juhoti, juvhati. juhonti, juvhanti.

Besides, there seems to be a new root, juh taken from the
special base, and inflected with the vowel a, as in juhamdna,
Jat. ii. 399 ; and from this is also derived the subst. juhana,
'sacrifice,7 Jat. i. 493, wrongly spelt juhana, Gtr. 16.

Other roots belonging to this class are those ending in d,
some of which I have already mentioned ; hd forms the present
jahdti, but we find also vijahati, Dh. 99, 261, from a new root,
jah

Da and dha can also have the regular forms daddti and
dadhdti, besides the new ones mentioned above, and from
daddmi is also derived the contracted form dammi = dadmi, pi.
daimna, Dh. 123, 129; Jat. i. 127, etc. Besides we have a
present demi, which shows exactly the same inflexion as emi,
'I go Guilders derives it either from the Skt. dayate, or by

CONJUGATION.

101

false analogy from the imper. deM detuy but I confess that
none of these explanations seems to me quite satisfactory.

From dba we hsLve-nidheti, Kh. 12 ; nidhetum, Khuddasikkha,
xxxi. 2 ; and besides a distracted form daheti (analogous to
dakati from dhdti) in the aorist pidahesi, Mah. 4, and the future
paridahessati, Dh. v. 9. Pass, antaradhdyati.

From stha we have the imp. utthehi, Kev. v. 3 ; Dip. 60 ;
nitthdyati, C. v. 26, generally nitthdti From hnu, Kacc. 135
gives the present hanute, but the Dhm. omits this root
altogether.

The division (a) of the first class has considerably encroached
on most of the other classes. Nearly all the roots terminating
in u or a consonant, and belonging to the second class of the
Skt. have migrated into this class in Pali : lih forms lehati,
Jat. i. 19 ; lehenid, Jat. ii. 31 ; Suttavibh, i. 46 ; duh : dohati,
Kacc. 144 ; but duhanti, ib. 141 ; rud : rodati and ncdati,
Jat. iii. 214 ; roddmi, Das. Jat. 33. Vetti, from vid, ' to know,'
is entirely lost in Pali, and generally replaced by jdndti. We
find, how.ever, a present vindati formed according to the 6th
class of the Skt., and vijjati = vidyate ; besides vedeti and
vediyati, Mil. 60 ; Suttavibh. ii. 167 ; Part, vedayita, Mil. 60.
From jagar, f to watch,' we have the present jagarati, Dh. 8,
11, 41, and jaggati, Dh. 201 ; Jat. iii. 403 ; comp. the Prak.
forms jagarai and jaggai, Hem. iv. 80; from daridra, 6 to be
poor,' the Dhm. gives daliddati ; but this form has not yet
been found in any text. In some cases the e is only due to
false analogy, as in the fut. gahessati9 and aorist aggahesi,
from grih, see Childer's 1 Corrigenda,' s. v.

Da 9, ' to bide/ forms dasanto, dasitvd and damsento, dam-
setvd, dasdpetvd, damsdpetvd. Ten. Jat. 42, 43, 44, 54.

Dhma, 'to blow,' forms dhamati and dhameti; besides we

102

PALI GRAMMAR.

have a reduplicated form dharnddhamayati. Mil. 117 ; nid-
dhamana, 1 a water-course,' is also derived from this root.

The root vt or ve, 1 to weave/ is given in the Dhm. among
those that follow the first conjugation, and indeed we find an
infinitive vetum, C. vi. 2, 6 ; a present abbeti occurs, Jat. iii.
34, where Fausboll has altered it into appeti, comp. Trenckner,
P. M. 64. A new present vindti, formed according to the fifth
class, occurs Jat. ii. 302 ; and besides we have the regular
passive wyaii or viyyati, Pat. 11.

Vad, cto speak/ supplying the lost special tenses of vac
forms its present vadati and vadeti. The Dhm. only gives a
root vad with the signification ' to praise ' following cor ay ami.
Besides, vajj may be substituted throughout all the tenses,
according to Kacc. 254 (derived, no doubt, from the opt. vajju,
Jat. ii. 322), e.g. vajjdsi, Jat. iii. 443, comp. vivadyanti, Maha
vastu, p. 378.

Tas = tras, 'to tremble,' forms its present regularly tasati,
Dh. 24; we find, however, an aorist vitthdsi, Kamm. 4, a present
vitthdyati, M. i. 76, 3 \ C. x. 17, 3, and a participle vitthata Mil.
36; for vitthata comp. Prak. hittha, Hem. ii. 136, P. Grold-
schmidt's remarks ' Setubandha,' ii. 42 ; vitthdsi reminds one of
a form trahi, Lalitavistara, p. 286, which I have corrected into
trasi (Der Dialekt der Gathas des Lai. p. 284), and vitthdyanti
seems to be formed after the false analogy of this aorist in the
same way as pdheti from pdhesL

Tud forms vitudati with lengthening nittudana, Mahaparin.
54, besides vitudam (?) Dh. 146 ; from Man, * to dig/ we have
an irregular iof. nikhdtum, Cariy. iii. 6, 16.

Ruh forms abhirohati, abhiruhati with lengthening, and even
abhiruhati.

Bht, 4 to fear,' forms bhdyati, comp. Hem. iv. 53. The redu-

CONJUGATION.

103

plicated form bibheti is entirely lost in Pali. The Ira per. bhdtha,
Jat. i. 26, is contracted from bhdyatha.

• Svap, ' to sleep,' forms supati ; Part, swnanta, Mil. 368.
Vyaih, ' to tremble,' is also given under this class in Dhm.,
but I have only found it under the form vedhati. At C. vii. 4, 6,
Oldenberg has suggested to read vyathati for the senseless
vyddhatL The causative is vedheti, Trenckner, P. M. 76.

The second class of the Pali, corresponding originally to
the seventh of the Skt., forms its present after the fashion of
those verbs of the sixth class which adopt n: so we obtain
from rudh a present rundhdmi, just as we have from vid, vinddnu.
Kacc. 238 gives besides the forms rundhiti, rundhiti, rundheti,
of which the last occurs also in the imper. rundhehi,
Cariy. iii. 10, 7 (where, howTever, the corresponding passage of
the Jat. i. 332, reads randkehi). About the passive rumh, see
above, p. 39.

The other roots belonging to this class, as muc, * to release,1
chid, 1 to cut,' lip, ' to smear,' bhuj, ' to eat,' are regular.

The third class comprises the verbs that take the suffix ya
(with assimilation of y to the consonant terminating the root).
Some of the verbs belonging to this class are real passives, as
vijjati, ' to be found, to exist,' pass, of vidati ; udriyati, i to go
to ruin,' from dar, drinati, M. iii. 8, 1; Suttavibh. ii. 254.
Others have adopted the meaning of actives, as bujjhati from
budh, 'to know, to understand,' sibbati from siv, 6 to sew,'
dajjati is most probably not the Skt. dadyate only given by
grammarians, but a derivation from the opt. dajjd, just as
vajjati from vajjd (see above, p. 102).

Mar forms the present marati and rniyati or miyyatu At
Saddhammop. vs. 139, we find mariyati, which certainly is not
classical.

104

PALI GRAMMAR.

Jar, * to decay,' forma jvyati or jiyyati and .jirati ; besides
we have jurasi in a passage quoted by Childers, J. R. A. S. xi.
1 10, from an unknown author. Comp. Prak. jural. Hem. iv. 132.

Qar, 'to throw down,' forms seyyasi = ciryasi, Jat. i. 174.
Part, visinna = vicirna.

Lu, 1 to reap,' forms Idyati, Das. 31, Jat. i. 215; luyeti,
Suttavibh. i. 64 ; Idveti, with change of y to v, Kacc. 262 ;
lapayati, Mah. 61, and the regular lunati, Kacc. 238.

Gd, * to sing/ forms gdyati, Dh. 85 ; imper. gdhi, Jat. iii. 507.

The fourth class corresponds to the fifth of the Skt. ; but-
most of the verbs belonging to it can also form their present
according to the ninth, by adding the suifix na to the root.
From £ru, ' to hear,' we have the present sunoti and sundti,
imper. sunohi and sundhi, inf. sunitum, Mil. 91. From ci, ' to
collect,' we have cindti, Dh. 209 ; vinicchinati, Dh. 377 ;
ocindyatu, Cariy. iii. 6, 7 ; samcinoti, Att. 200 ; part, samca-
yanto, according to the first class, Mah. 127. Roots ending in
a consonant can assimilate the n to this consonant, or insert u
before the Sutf. nu or nd, e.g. pappoti, pdpunoti and pdpun&ti,
from \/ ap, 6 to attain,' sakkoti and sakkundti (where the second
k is due to the false analogy of sakkoti), from \/cak, 1 to be
able;' sakkdti occurs Saddhammop. v. 385, and a shortened
form sakkati is induced by Childers from Nava S. and Sad-
daniti.

Gar, 6 to sound,' forms anugindti = anugrinati, * he answers,'
Kacc. 139. Besides we have uggirati, 'to rattle,' Jat. i. 150 ;
Pat. 18.

Abhisambhunoti, 6 to obtain,' Lotus, 313, Pat. vii., is referred
by Childers to the root bhri of the Dhatupatha, and this expla-
nation is adopted with some hesitation by Senart Mahavastu
406. The Dhm. gives an especial root sambhu.

CONJUGATION.

105

Sumbhoti, Kacc. 238, is perhaps identical with Skt. eubh,
$ubhnati, ' to kill,' comp. Mahavastu, 381. The Dhm. gives a
root sumbh, i to beat/ following the first class, and Jat. iii. 185,
we have sumhdmi, v. 1. sumbhdmi explained by pahardmi.

From var, ' to cover,' we have several forms according to this
class ; Trenckner, P. M. 63, gives the following : vanimhase,
Jat. ii. 137; apdpunanti, It. 84, v. 2 ; vanomi, Jat. 513, v. 14 ;
dvunitvd, i having pierced/ Cariy. iii. 12, 2 ; samvunoti and
samvundti, Kacc. 238. But it can also follow the first class as
vivarati (vivundti seems not to exist), samvarati, Mil. 152 •
pdpurati and pdrupati, 6 to dress / avapurati, F. J. 29 ; avdpu-
riyati, Jat. i. 63 (comp. avdpurana, 'a key/ Ab. 222).

The fifth class corresponds to the ninth of the Skt., but
includes also some verbs belonging originally to other classes.
The Pali grammarians reckon among this class several verbs
which originally belong to the fifth class of the Skt., like
cindti, 1 to collect/ dhundti, ' to shake/ Skt. cinoti, dhunoti.
About jindti see above, p. 98. From pit, ' to purify,' we
have opundtiy Dh. v. 252 ; Jat. i. 467 ; Mahaparin. 49. From
kindti, 'to buy/ we have an irregular inf. ketum, Jat. iii. 282.

Mush, ' to steal/ forms its present rnusati, Eas. 32 ; pamus-
sati derives most probably not from mush but from smrish,
see above, p. 58.

Ag, 6 to eat/ forms asndti, Mettanisarrisa, vs. 8; imper.
asndtha, Mahaparin. 59.

Md, ' to measure/ forms mindti, eaus. mindpeti, Jat. ii. 378;
nimimhase, Jat. ii. 369, Dh. 417.

Badh forms bandhati instead of badhndti with a metathesis
similar to that of rundhati = runaddhi ; lag, 4 to stick/ forms
laggati = lagnati, besides lagati after the first. From math,
'to grind/ we have abhimatthati = abhiinathnati.

106

PALI GKAMMAB.

Jnd forms jdndti regularly; from grih we have ganhdti and
ganhati, Dh. 160.

Other verbs following this class are mun = man, 'to think,'
in mundti, comp. Hem. iv. 7 ; Fausb. S. N. 169: and tJi7in =
stan, ' to thunder ' in thunanti (meaning 'to proclaim,' which
points really to a confusion of the roots stan and stu, as one
would think from Dhm.), Eev. 3 ; anutthundti, Db. 28, 323.
From the same root we have thanayam, Mabasamayas. vs. 23 ;
thanitay Att. 210; Jat. i. 64; mtthananta, Jat. ii. 362;
nitthanamdna, Jat. i. 463.

The sixth class corresponds to the eighth of the Skt. In
Pali, however, in this case the root kar, i to do,' can form its
present quite regularly in the following way :

Tcaromi. Jcaroma.
Jcarosi. karotha.
haroti. karonti.

Besides, we have a form hummi for the first pera. sing., Jat.
ii. 435, to which we may compare kurumi, Lalitavistara, 270.
In the attanopada we have kurute, Dh. 9, 39, Mah. 219 ; and,
besides, kubbate, kubbati, Kace. 261 ; vikubbati, Jat. iii. 114 ;
tan has tanomi regularly.

The Dhm. reckons several more roots to this class, of which
some have been dealt with before, and others do not occur in
any text, so that we need not mention them here.

The seventh class comprises the denominative verbs, the
causatives, and a few primitive verbs, which have migrated
into it from other classes. The inflexion of these is the same
as of the verbs terminating in i or i which belong to the first
class, as ji, ci, ni, etc. ; aya can always be contracted into e,
and also ayi of the past and future undergoes very often the

CONJUGATION.

107

same change. Even verbs in dyati can be contracted, as
paleti for paldyati, Dh. v. 49.

Among this class I also reckon verbs like dgildyati, ' to be
weary, to pain/ C. vii. 4, 2, which is given by the Dhm. as
belonging to the third. A doubtful word is samkdyat% C. x.
18, with the v. 1. sahdyati.

Primitive verbs that occasionally take the suffix of this class
are vac in vacehi, Dh. 159, vad in vademi, vadehi, Has. 21, dajj
in dajjehi, M. vi. 23, 3; Suttavibh. i. 217, tud in vitudeti, Sut-
tavibh i. 105. About vediyati and vedayita see above, p. 101.

Imperative.
Parassapada. Attanopada.

mi ma e mase

hi or ° iha ssu vho

tu nti tarn ntam

Mi is most probably transferred from the present by false
analogy. In the second person the short form without suffix
is not so frequent as in Skt. We find, hi also in such cases
where we are not accustomed to see it in Skt., as in ganhdhi
for ganha= grihna. From gacch we have gacchahi, Kacc. 248,
besides gacchdhi. Pafimdse, Dh. v. 379, is contracted from
patimdsaya. The termination tha of the second pers. pi. is
evidently taken from the present, e.g., etha, passatha, Dh. v.
171, brutha, Jat. iii. 520. From ac, 'to eat,' we have asndtha
Mahaparin. 59.

The termination ssu of the second pers. sing, attanop.,
derived from Skt; sva, is very frequent even in verbs which
follow the parassapada inflexion, e.g., bhavassu, Dh. v. 371,
pilandhassu, Mil. 337, dsassu, * relate/ Gr. 1 18 for dsasassu,
cooip. Kacc. 288 ; third pers. labhatam, Mahapar. 62. The

108

PALI GRAMMA It.

termination mase of the first pers. pi. is either very old or very
modern (comp. for the first eventuality Kuhn, p. 101, for the
second, Torp, p. 47) ; besides we have one instance of a form
terminating in mdham, gacchdmaJiam, Dh. 80. For the curious
form in vlio of the second pers. pi. (we would expect vkam—
Skt. dhvam) I can only adduce one example, nivattavho, Jat.
ii. 358.

The form of the root is the same in the imperative as la the
indicative. Thus we have from cru, second pers. sing., sunohi,
Att. 134; from kar, second pers. sing., karohi, Dh. 42; besides
kurUy Mah. 18, 61, second pi. karotha, first pers: pi. attan.
karomase, Jat. ii. 258. From da we have the Skt. form dehi,
besides daddhi, Jat. iii. 109; dajja and even dajjehi, M. vi. 23, 3.

From as a second pers. sing, dhi is given by Childers and
Minayeff, but has not yet been found in any text. The form
is always expressed by bhava, bhavassu, or hohi, Dh. 187.

About the. existence of the attanop. forms of kar and da
given by Minayeff, § 178, 179, I feel very doubtful.

Subjunctive.

The subjunctive in Pali has been discovered by Pischel, K.Z.
xxiii. 424, who adduces a few examples from Dh. and Jat.
It differs from the indicative only by the lengthening of the
vowel a. Farther instances are patibhandti, Jat. iii. 404, ha~
nasi, Jat. iii. 199, and perhaps dahdsi, daMti, Fausb. S. N.
161, 169.

Optative.

Parassapada. Attanopada.

eyydmi, e, eyya eyydma, ema eyyaiIl eyydnxhe

eyydsi, e, eyya eyydtha, etha etho eyyavho

eyya, e eyyim etha eram

CONJUGATION.

109

This form of the optative originated from contraction of the
optative suffix iya with the a of the first class, but it is in use
with the other classes as well. When stems end in a vowel,
this vowel is dropped before the e of the termination, as, e.g.,
dadeyya, and even deyya, from daddti.

Boots terminating in d, and following division (c) of the first
class form their optative by inserting y, as ydyeyyay from ja,
Pat. 110, nJidyeyya from waM=sna, nibhdyeyya from nirva, £ to
be extinguished from the last we have besides an abbreviated
form par inibbaye, Das. 6.

The forms of the sing, in e are frequent enough in older
texts, as dnaye (first pers.), Jat. i. 308; labhe, Cariyap. i. 1,
9; rode, Jat. iii. 165 ; nivase (first and second pers.), Jat, iii.
259, 262 ; pdpune (third pers.), C. vii. 4, 8 ; dade, Cariy. i. 3,
8. In Khuddasikkha we find even a third sing. de.

The termination eyya of the first pers. originated from eyyam
after the nasal had been dropped ; it is a form of the parassap.
identical with the Skt. eyam, as we can see from instances like
deseyyam, Dhp. 119, puccheyyam, Pat. 1, etc.

The first sing in eyydmi, as far as I know, is only given by
grammarians as hey y ami, bhaveyydmi, huveyydmi, from Rupa-
siddhi, at Alwis Introd. 48, in the second we have e and eyydsi,
as sikkheyydsi, Jat. i. 162, dhareyydsi, Dh. 248, once eyya in
ydjeyya, Jat. iii. 515 ; in the third e and eyya. One instance
of the fuller form eyydti occurs : jdneyydti, C. vii. 3, 4. In the
first pers. pi. we have emasi, emu, and etna, as vidhamemasi,
Jat. iii. 261, passemu, Jat. iii. 495, jdnemu, .Kasibharadvajas.
vs. 1, Dh. 96, and dakkhema, Mahasamayas. vs. 25; generally
eyydma.

In the second pi. we have only one instance of the shorter
form samdsctha in the phrase sabbhir eva samdsetha ; besides

110

PALI GEAMMAR.

we have eyydtha in dyameyydtha, Cariy. i. 8, 5, samvatteyydtha.
Dh. 129, pahirieyydtha, Dh. 215. In the third pi. we have
always eyyum~Skt. eyas.

The second sing, attanop. in etho, and the third in etha, are
formed after the old fashion = Skt. ethas, eta; the third is very
frequent also in such verbs which otherwise follow the parassap.
inflexion, as rakkhetha, Dh. v. 36, abhittharetha, v. 116, and
in passives, as jdyetha, Dh. v. 58, from \/ jan. Besides, we
have dgaccheyydtho, rnanasikareyydtho given by Alwis, Cat. 184,
from Moggallana's grammar. The first and second pers. pi.
do not occur in any text, but the third is frequent, as bhaveram,
gaccheram, &c.

Shortened forms of the regular opt. occur of some roots in
&, as stha and dha : adhittheyya for adhifthdyeyya, Khudd. 1.6,
apanidJieyya, Pat. 16, and so we ought to read parinibbeyam
instead of parinibbdyi, Dip. i. 24. From roots ending in i we
have niccheyya, Dh. v. 256, for niccJiayeyya, from nis + ci, ana-
bhineyya, Pat. 4, vineyya, Khudd. 31, from ni; jeyya from ji,
Dh. v. 103 ; from i we have abbheyya, Pat. 6, second eyydsi,
Jat. iii. 535. From M=bhu: huveyya and hupeyya according
to the Burmese writing, M. i. 6, 9; Trenckner, Pali Misc. 62 ;
besides, we have a contracted form heyya, only known from
Bupasiddhi ap. Alwis Introd. 48, but not yet found in any text.

The optatives of the seventh class can be shortened in two
different ways ; from corayeyya we get coraye on one side and
coreyya on the other ; from bhavaydmi we have a contracted
third sing, attanop. bhdvetha, Dh. v. 87 for bhdvayetha.

Besides this regular form of the optative, which corresponds
to the optative of the Skt. first principal conjugation (com-
prising the first, fourth, sixth, and tenth classes), we have a
few rests of the optative of the second principal conjugation.

CONJUGATION.

J 11

Some of the roots ending in d can form, besides the regular
optatives of the type dadeyya and deyya given above, the old
dqjjd=Skt. dadyat, Dh. v. 224; first pers. dajjam, Mah. 63,
dajjdham, M. iii. 8, 1, and dajjdmi, Mah. 8. From this opta-
tive dajjd was formed the verbal base dajjati (see above, p. 103)
and this can again take the terminations of the optative, as in
dajjeyya, Kacc. 256, anuppadajjeyya, Pat. 11 ; first pi. anup-
padajjeyydma, Pat. 11.

From jna we have jdniyd, corresponding to Skt. janiyat with
shortening of the i, and contracted from this jannd ; besides a
form alter the analogy of the verbs with vowel a, a&janeyya.

From as, 4 to be/ we have an old optative which preserves
throughout the a of the root dropped in Skt. : —
assam assdma
asm assatha
asset, siyd assu, siyum

The first pers. assam occurs Dh. 186, the second assa, Jat.
iii. 515, in the third both forms are equally frequent ; assdma
is found in Saccavibhanga, assu, Dh. v. 74, Jat. ii. 425.

From vad, ' to speak,' we have a second sing, vajjdsi, Jat. ii.
443 ; third pi. vajju, Jat. ii. 322, explained by the regular forms
vadeyydsi and vadeyyum. By false analogy of this optative we
have a present vajjdmi (just like dajjdmi, from dajjam)y vajjemi
and a secondary optative vajjeyya given by Kacc. vi. 4, 19.

Kar forms its opt. in the parassap. third pers. sing, hare
and kareyya, Dh. v. 43, Kacc. 263, pi. kareyydtha, Dh. 147,
kareyyum, Dh. 187 ; attanop. kubbetha, C. vii. 4, 8. Besides,
we have an old opt. kayird or kayira from karyat instead of
kurvat, attan. kayirdtha or kayiratha.

Ap forms the old opt. pappuyya = prapnuvat, Das. 37,
C vi. 4, 4.

112

PALI ORAM M AT?.

Imperfect and Aorist.
First formation.
Parassapada. Attanopada.
am a atnJta ... amhase

a o attha, u ase avham

a a um attha atthum

Second formation.
Parassapada. Attanopada.
im imha ... imhe

i ittha ise, ittho ivham

i imsu, isum ittha

The first form belongs to the imperfect and simple or strong
aorist, which cannot be distinguished in Pali, the second to the
weak aorist, which is formed by adding the root as, ' to be/ as
in Greek.

A third formation is only distinguished from the second by
the plus of an s, so that wTe have sim instead of m, &c. It is
used mostly in verbs ending in vowels, and in causatives.

Examples of the first sing, in am : — avacam, Dh. 212, ad dam
and addasam, ■ 1 saw,* Jat. iii. 380, Anecd. 35, once with the
present termination addasdmi, Oldenberg, K. Z. xxv. 320, ad-
dasa, M. ix. 1, 5, where the reading of the MSS. ought not to
be changed; from da we have adam, Jat. iii. 411, Gariy. i. 9,
30; from bhu ahum, Jat. iii. 411; from cru, assutn, Jat. iii.
542.

Second pers. in o = as : pamado, Dh. v.- 371 ; dsado, Jat. i.
414, iii. 207, C. vii. 3, 12; in a: avaca, Pat. 09; and from a
i\ duplicated aorist identical in its formation to the Skt. avo-

cam : auoca, Dh. 18-r>, coca, Dh. v. 1 <*>3.

CONJUGATION.

113

In the third pers. we have a and « = at: abhavd, ahuvd,
Buddha 443, addasa, udacchidd, Anecd. 77, and with a curious
doubling of the (£, unexplained as yet, acchidda, Dh. v. 351;
amard, Jat. iii. 389 (v. 1. amari), 6 he died.' Ajjhagamd, Eas. 78,
papato, C. v. 20, 5, is the only instance known of o in the third.

In the first pers. pi. we have aniha or mha in adamha, Jat. ii.
71; assumlia, Jat. ii. 400 ; vutthamka, Dip. 79; ahumlia, Dh.
105 ; besides a form corresponding to the Skt. addasdma,
Dh. 96.

Second pers.: ahuvattha, Dh. 105; avacuttha, Pat. 5; cfo^-
Jat. ii. 181.

In the third pers. we have u, u and urn, all representing the
Skt. us. Examples in am are very numerous; u we have in
ajjliagu from adhigacchati, Jat. i. 256, anvagu, Das. 36; and u
in passim in Mahasamayasutta. The following instances
deserve notice because they form their aorist in Skt. with s :
aggalium, Mah. 253, upaftJiaJium, Mah. 132, 256, randhayum
Dh. v. 248, abhikJcdmum, Mahasamayasutta vi. 4; adakkJimn,
ib. vs. 3 corresponds to adrakshus.

The second and third sing, of the attan. in ase. attha, are
influenced by the corresponding forms of the s aorist in tse
ittha (see later on). Examples are suyattha, Dh. 86, adattha,
Jat. ii. 166. Besides, we have the regular form in tJia~$kt.
ta for inst. avocatha, Mah. 132, adassatha, Mah. 199, khiyatha
Cariy. iii. 10, 1, passive ajch/atha, Mah. 24.

Mhase is also influenced by the s aorist, and besides it is a
present termination; instances are ahuvamJiase, aTcaramhase,
F. Jat. 13, 38; vanimhase, Jat. ii. 137 ; nimimhase, Dh. 417 ;
Jatk ii. 369 ; the form of the imperfect niliasa occurs in aha-
ramham, Dh. 147. The second pi. in vham corresponds to the
Skt. dhvam, the third in attJtum is formed by false analogy

i

114

PALI GRAMMAR.

from the sing, attha. Of these I have not found any instance
in texts.

Bru forms abravi and abruvi, pi. abravum and abruvum.

From ga we have a second pers. sing, aga, Fausb. S. N. 161,
corresponding to Skt. agas, a third accagd, upaccagd and
ajjhagd, Dh., corresponding to agat. From stba a third
person atthd, Mah. 78.

From kar we have the regular forms, and besides an
abridged aorist akd, Mah. 23, 37, corresponding to the vedic
akar. Other forms of the same root will be given later
on.

Labh forms an aorist alatthnm, Jat. i. 141 ; second pers.
alattha or lattha, Dh. 240; third alattha = alabdha (attan).
The first and second pers. are formed after the analogy of the
third.

The first sing, of the second formation is contracted from
the Skt. isham, as in vedic im ; examples are abhdnim, Jat. iii.
394, from bhan, 6 to speak,' adassim, Cariy. i. 2, from dare,
'to see/ uddtarim from tar, Jat. ii. 317; updgamim, Jat. iii.
373 ; ovddim, Bv. xxvi. 4 ; we also have a form in i without the
nasal aggahi, Jat. iii. 373; updgami, Cariy. i. 195; nimmini,
Cariy. ii. 6, 11 ; passive ajdyi, Cariy. iii. 5, 1. Sometimes we
find issam with a double instead of a single s, as in sandha-
vissam, Dh. v. 153 (comp. Childers' Notes on Dhamm. 4,
Trenckner, P. M. 56) ; nandissam, Jat. 432, vs. 9, and most
probably titikkhissam, Dh. v. 320 ; some forms with a single s
are given by Oldenberg, K. Z. xxv. 320 : with change of i to a
(Trenckner, p. 75), we have icchasam, S. N. vii. 14, vs. 1, 6 ;
pamddassam, M. N. 130 ; Ang. iii. 4, 6.

In the second pers. we have i or i in poetry when a long
syllable is required, as in ddiyi, Suttavibh. i. 44; fcandi, giliy

CONJUGATION.

115

Db. v. 371 ; agaml, Mah. 6. In the third person we have
the same termination in dvinji, Suttavibh. i. 127 ; vedi, Dh, v.
423 ; abhinimmi from abhinimmdti, Db. 315 ; akari from kar,
F Jat. 13; or a new form in isi, as agacchisi, Mah. 206 ;
antaradhdyid, Mah. 112 ; ajdyisi, Mah. 18, 20.

In the first pers. pi. we have vmha = ishma, as in sariniha,
Dh. 188; labhima, Dh. 236 ; apdyimha, Jat. i. 360; in the
second ittha = ishta, as in saddhayittha, Dh. 123 ; dadittha,
Dh. 238 ; and in the third imsu or isum = ishus.

In the attanopada the second pers. ise as given by the
grammarians, is not found in any text (just like ase of the
first formation) ; we find instead ittho == ishthas in atiman-
nittho, Ten. Jat. 40: asajjittho, Jat. i. 297; akkamittho, Bv.
ii. 53 (always spelt with the dental group).

In the third pers. we have ittha == ishta, as in pasdray-
ittha, Jat. i. 135 ; dsahkittha, Jat. i. 151, and several passive
forms given by Kacc. 289 — 293 ; comp. similar forms in the
Mahavastu, Senart's ed. p. 378.

In the first pers. pi. we have imhe; second, ivham; but
these forms have not yet been found in any text. The third
pi. terminates in imsu, isum, or in um, as upagacchum, Maha-
parin. 21 (see above, p. 113).

The first sing, of the third formation terminates in the sim,
as anndsim, Pat. 95; cintesim, Dh. 206; or si, as cintesi,
Cariy. i. 8. 1 ; addsi, Cariy. i. 9, 47 ; paccanndsi, M. I. 6, 27,
28, where the reading of the MSS. should be followed.

Second pers. si, as akdsi, Suttavibh. i. 44, with assimilation
pativekkhi, M. vi. 23, 8, aud third the same as ad/iosi, Fausb.
S. N. 150; nimdsi, Mah. 27 ; avatthdsi, Suttavibh. i. 79, from
avattharati, padhupdsi, M. I. 15, 4, Suttavibh. ii. 109, 132.
Uddnesi, Jat. i. 141; with assimilation sakkhi% Jat. iii. 424 ;

116

PALI GRAMMAR.

afckocchi, Dh. v. 4; acchecchi, Buddha, 441 (spelt wrongly
acchejji, ib. 434) ; from kar, akdsi = akarshit ; from har, vihdsi.

First pi. simha = sishma in addsimha, Jat. iii. 120; second
sittha bs sishta.

The third pi. in simsu is not found, but is replaced by a form
in sum or msu, corresponding to Skt. sus, as in adamsu,
pdhesum, drocesum ; from stba we have atthamsu, Dh. 233, and
vtthimsu, Mah. 166 ; from jna, annxmsu, Jat. iii. 303; from
khya, akkhamsu, Jat. iii. 481 ; from va, parinibbimsu, Dip. 51 ;
from dha, samddahamsu, Mahasamayasutta vs. 2 ; from kar,
akamsu.

After the false analogy of the aorists in dsi we find also
some aorists of verbs ending in a consonant, as agamdsi, pi.
agamamsu (not agamamsum, which is a mistake of the Burmese
MSS.); addasdsum, Jat. ii. 256, and adassamsu, Papanca Sudani,
ap. Alwis Introd. 73. Even the perfect dha, 4 he spoke/ follows
this inflexion, as we have dhamsu, Jat. i. 121,comp. ahamsus
of the Mahavastu ap. Minayeff, Pat. xliii. Another dhamsu
is found in payiruddhamsu, c they uttered/ from x/har, comp.
Weber; Hala, 184 ; Tnd. Streifen iii. 396.

The imperfect of the root as, 6 to be/ is entirely formed
after the analogy of these aorists i

dsim dsi. dsimha.
dsi. dsittha.
dsi. dsimsu.

The first pers. dsi occurs Cariy. i. 4, 1. For the third we
find a form eki, Bv. xvi. 7, which looks like an abbreviation
of the fut. of i3 ehiti, but perhaps the reading is incorrect.

CONJUGATION".

117

Perfect.

Parassapada. Attanopada.

a, mha. i. mhe.

e. ttha, ttho. vko.

a. u, ttha. re.

Verbs ending in consonants insert i between the root and
the consonatal terminations. Ex amp es are not very frequent :
kd9 i to leave/ forms jakdra, with a euphonic r, Kacc. 243 ;
chid j ciccheda^ ib. 212; budli, bubodha, Att. 203; sucysusoca,
Att. 212 ; ahy aha, third ph dhu ; vid, vidu, Mah. 141.

Future

Parassapada. Attanopada.
ssdmi. ssdma. ssam, ssamhe.

ssasi. ssatha. ssase,

ssati ssanti. ssate. ssante (ssare).

The termination am of the first sing, attan. is only an
abbreviation of ami in parassap. and occurs frequently in old
texts as das&am, bhokkhcrM-, Das. 7, 29 ; hessam, purayissam,
Ten Jat. 91. This form is identical with the first sing, aorist
according, to the second formation in issa?nr as sandhdvissam ,
and this is the reason why they have often been mistaken one
for the other.

The future may be formed from the root or from the special
base. If it is formed from the root the terminations may be
added directly, or by the auxiliary vowel i.

(a) Futures formed from the root directly : pacessati, Db. 9 ;
vicessati, Kacc. 27, both from ci ; vijessati, from ji, Dh. 9 ;
da kkh at i=drak$hyat\, ^/dar^, sakkliiti from 9ak ; lacchati from
labh Dh. 96=latsyati for lapsyati (comp. the aorist alattha for

118

PALI GRAMMAR.

alabdha), sambhossdma from bhu, Mah. 28 ; vacchdmi from vac
Khuddasikkha 17 -J pavekkhati from vi9, Mah. 153 ; checcham
from cfoW, J at. iii. 500 (samucchissatha, Gr. 254, is formed after
the false analogy of the other futures in issati) ; from i we have
esam, Jat. iii. 535, and upe&sam, Dhaniya S. Childers, s. v. upeti;
from Aaw, first pers. pi., hanchema, i at. ii. 418, with an e, instead
of d, that I cannot explain. Trenckner takes this and dak-
khema, Mahasamay, v. 25, as optatives of the fut., but this is
without any analogy. Ahanchi, M. i. 6, 8, Trenckner, P. M. 74 ;
bhejjati, Ang. i. 5, 7, is most probably a mistake for bhecchati
(like acchejji for acchecchi, above, p. 116).

The future is sometimes used in the sense of an imperfect, as
dassdmi, Cariy. i. 3, 4 ; pariyesissdmi, Cariy. i. 6, 5 ; pavissdmi
for j)avisissdmi, from vi£, Cariy. i. 9, 56 {pavissdmi as future occurs
Jat. ii. 68). Perhaps these are only aorists with primary ter-
minations like addasdmi (above, p. 112).

(b) Futures formed irom the root by the auxiliary vowel f:
dgamissam, Jat. ii. 284 (and agamicchati, Dh. ix. 12, formed after
the false analogy of dicchati, if it is not merely a blunder) ;
niggahissati, Dh. 96 ; samvasissare, in a passage of the Apadana,
quoted in Oldenberg's Buddha, 419 ; labhissati, Dh. 121 ; nahd-
yissati from sna ; parinibbdy issati, Dh. 333, from parinirva
and parinibbissam, Bv. xxvi. 23, with loss of the root-vowel.

(c) Futures formed from the special base, mostly .by the
auxiliary vowel i: jinissati from jV, and cinissati from ci, Dh.
209 ; dgacchissati, Dh. 84 ; passissati, Dh. 88, 89 ; pajahissati
Dh. 31 L ; pahinissati, Dh. 84 ; pdpunissati, Dh. 101 ; sunissdmi
from cru, Jat. i. 129; paridadhassatiy Dh. 115.

With e in paridahessati, Dh. v. 9 ; niggahessdmi, Dh. v. 326
(see above, p. 101).
In the 2nd pers. sing., 3rd pers. sing, and pi. we find some-

CONJUGATION.

119

times i9 instead of a, most probably from the y assimilated in
the consonantal group, as sakkhiti for sakkhati, Sadda Niti
sakkhinti, Dhaniya S. ; dakkhisi, F. J. 23 ; dakkhinti, Mah. 83 ;
M. j. ? 10.

In some futures the sibilant has migrated into h, as kdhdmi
for karshyami, from kar, Cariy. i. 5, 9, Jat. i. 214 ; kdhati, Jat.
ii. 443 (besides kassdma, Mah. 12 ; kassam in a modern text,
I. O. C. 121); comp. kahiti of the Mahavastu MinayefF, 109;
vihohisi from vihar, Dh. 68 (besides vihassati, Arunavatisutta,
v. 2) ; hdhasi, from ha, Jat. iii. 172 ; panfidyihinti, Jat. xvi. 1,
5, from prajna, eJiiti from i. From M=bhu we have hohiti=:
bhoshyati and hehiti= bhavishyati which may be further con-
tracted into heti.

A peculiarity of the Pali is the double future formed from
bases like dakkh by the ordinary termination issatu The base
dakkh came to be used exactly like a present base as we see
from the imperf. dakkim. Jat. i. 25 (which cannot be identified
directly with the Skt. aorist adraksham); from the present
dakkhati, frequent in later texts, from the inf. dakkhitum, M.
v. 1, 2; dakkhitdye (not dakkhitdy a), Mahasamayas, vs. 1, and
from the causative dakkhdpita, Mil. 119. So we get a secondary
future dakkhissati, sakkhissati, Dh. 84; sukkhissati, from cush,
' to dry,' Dh. 234 ; pavakkhissam from vac, Cariy. i. 1, 2,
hehissati, Kacc. 249.

A curious form is dicchati, Jat. 450, vs. 7 (dicchati, ' to see,'
Alwis, Introd. 42, evidently derives from dric). Trenckner,
P. M. 61 , following Vanaratana derives it from adikshat, but
the comm. explains it by dadanti. I think it is the desiderative
of dd used as a new root with the meaning of the primitive verb,
and this would speak in favour of Weber's explanation of
dakkhati and dekkhati as desideratives (see Kuhn's Beitr. vii.

120

PALI GRAMMAR.

485 ft*., Indische Streifen xiv. 69 ff.). Childers and Pischel
(Beitr. vii. 450 ft".) explain them as futures, P. and S. Gold-
schmidt derive them from the part, drishta with a change of
sounds similar to that in dukkha = duhstha. (see above, p. 39).
The secondary base sukkh from cush (see the Causatives)
speaks in favour of Goldschmidt's theory. As for pavecchati,
Jat. i. 28, Mil. 375, I am unable to decide whether it is really
the future of vie or, as Trenckner suggests, identical with
payacchati.

Conditional.

Parassapada. Attanopada.

ssam, ssamhd. ssam. ssamhase

sse, ssa, ssasi, ssatha. ssase, ssavJie.

ssa, ssa, ssafi, ssamsu. .ssatha, ssimsu.

With regard- to the base the same rules apply to the con-
ditional as to the future. Instances are, 1st pers. apapessam,
Jat. ii. 11 (v. 1. pdpeyyuni); 2nd pers., bhavissa ib., agghdpe-
ssasi, Jat. ii. 31, v. 1., for agghdpeyydsi ; 3rd pers., acjamissd,
Kacc. 263 ; alabhissa, asaJckhissa, Dh. 292 ; panndpessa, and
abhavissati in a passage of Samyuttaka Nikaya Buddha, 443,
where Oldenberg wants to change it into abkavissa. For the
pi. I can adduce no instances from texts.

Passive.

The passive is formed by adding the syllable ya, already
mentioned as characteristic of the third class. This syllable
may be added to the root or to the present base, as gaccMyati,
Kacc. 236; and gamiyati, Dip. 70, from gam, 'to go; vussafi
and vasiyati from vas, 4 to dwell ;' hdyati, Dh. v. 364, and hiyati,
Kacc. 257, from hd, 1 to forsake gayhati and gheppati from

CONJUGATION.

12L

yra/i, ' to take tdyati from tan, ' to stretch/ Jat. iii. 283 ;
Rup. 37. About vuddhate from vah, Kacc. 237 (see above, p. 51).

The rules about the assimilation of ?/, which is optional, are
given above, p. 48 ff.

The terminations of the passive are those of the attanopada
and parassapada without any fixed rule.

An anomalous form of the passive is sussute, from 9m, 4 to
bear,' Indische Streifen, iii. 398.

Causative.

Just as ya is the characteristic of the passive, aya is the
characteristic of the causative (being the seventh class). The
root is generally strengthened before this termination, as laved
from M, 4 to reap,' rtdyeti from ni, to lead,' guliayati from yuh,
1 to hide,' but we have also exceptions to this rule, as cudita instead
of cod it a, M. iv. 16 ; bhaneti = bhanayati, gameti gamayati.

The second form of the causative with p is much more
frequent in Pali than in Skt. It may be formed almost from
every root. Thus we have jirdpeti from jar, Jat. i. 238; bhhn-
sdpeti (v. 1. Jamsdpeti), from bid, Pat. 15; pimsdpeti from pish,
Mah. 175, besides pimseti, Jat. ii. 363 ; jindpeti from ji (present
base jin), Kaccayanabhedatika, I. O. C , 91 ; suk/chdpeti, Dh.
188, from cush (secondary base salckh, derived from the Part,
c^ushka, in suhlchamdna, Jat. i. 304) ; ypaldpeti from upali,
M. v. 2, 21 ; Jat. ii. 266, comp. Rhys David's Buddhist
Suttas, p. 5; sundpeti, Dh. 166, from cru (present base sun) ;
cetdpeti from ci (through confusion with cit) ; chejjapeii from
chid, Mil. 90 ; dndpeti from dm. On the difference in the
signification of the two forms of the causative comp. Oldenberg
KZ. xxv. 323.

122

PALI GRAMMAR.

A causative with double p is vinhdpdpetin from vijna, 1 to
cause to be asked for,' Pat. 105.

Pivati forms its caus. pdyati and pdyeti, gah : gdhetl and
gdhdpeti ; han : haneti and ghdteti ; sampiydyamdna, Jat. i. 297,
361, ought to be corrected into sampiyamdna, according to
Senart Mahavastu, 556.

Desiderative.

The desiderative is formed from the reduplicated root, by-
adding an s : jighacchati from ghas, 1 to eat,' sometimes written
jigacchati (Grriinwedel das sechste Kapitel d. Kupasiddhi,
p. 70) ; jiyucchati from gup ; titikkhati from tij ; cikicchati and
tikicchati from kit ; pipdsati and pivdsati hompd ; bubhukkhati
from bhuj ; sussusati from cru ; dicchati from dd (see above) ;
jigimsati from har. Han has a desiderative without redupli-
cation, pahamsati, Jat. ii. 104 ; Pass, pahamsiyati, MiL 326 ;
vimamsati from man, is only a phonetical change for mimamsati.

Intensive.

Intensives are also formed from the reduplicated root, and
sometimes take ya, as daddallati = jajvalyate ; Idlapatti from
lap; kdkacchati from kath, Jat. i. 61, 160, 318, Mil. 85;
without ya, but with a nasal in the reduplication syllable, we
have cankamati from kram ; jangamati from gam, cancalati
from caL

Sdkacchati, 'to talk,' Pat. xv. seems to be formed after the
false analogy of kdkacchati without reduplication.

Denominative.

Denominatives may be formed with and without reduplica-
tion. The terminations are the following :

(1) Ayati in pabbatdyati, samudddyati, ciccitdyati and citicitd-

PARTICIPLES.

123

yati, 'to splash,' M. vi. 27, 7, Mil. 258; doldyati, Jat. ii. 385 ;
tintindyati, Jat. i. 243, 244 ; gaggardyati, Mil. 3 ; verdyati, Dip.
83 ; galagaldyati, Mahapariri, 48 ; pariydyati, Samanta Pasad.
332 ; pattiydyati, ' to believe,' Jat. i. 426, where Fausb. wrongly
has adopted the reading saddhim ydyasl, comp. Trenckner, P. M.
79 ; hardyati, M. i. 63, 1 ; Suttavibb. i. 68.

(2) lyati, iyati in the examples given by Kacc. 233, which T
have not found in any text, and besides in patiseniyati, Fausb.
S. N. 64; ganiyati, Mil. 114; attiyati, 'to be hurt,' M. i.
63, 1.

(3) Ayati, eti, in the examples given by Kacc. 235, which
are not found in any text, and besides in bdheti from bahis, ' to
remove,' Senart Mahavastu, 431 ; y ant eti, Jat. i. 418; vijateti
and vijatdpeti, 6 to disentangle ;' samodMneti, ' to join,' part.
samodhdnita, Jat. iii. 272 ; theneti, 'to steal,' Dh. 114, Jat.
iii. 18.

For sammanneti, Ras. 69, we ought most probably to read
sammanteti (Dh. 333), which is a denominative from mantra.

(4) ati in pariyosdnati, 6 to cease/ Dh. 331 ; sdrajjati, 6 to
be ashamed,' Pat. xliv. ; osanhati, 4 to smooth,' C. v. 2, 3.

§ 19. Participles.

The present participle terminates in ant or auta, which is
added to the present stem, e. g., labham or labhanlo. About
the declension of these participles and some other peculiarities,
comp. p. 80. The same termination ant or anta is also used
for the participle of the future, which, however, does not occur
very frequently, e. g., karissam, Data, iii. 80.

In the attanupada we have the terminations nidna and ana
used almost without any difference from verbs of all classes,

124

PALI CJ HAM MAR.

the latter being more or less restricted to the ancient language.
From kar we have the regular form kubbdn a = kurvana, Dh. v.
217, but also kardna in purekkhardna, Fausb. S. N. 173 ;
kurumdna, Sam. Pas., 323, and karamana ; from ci, 'to lie
down,' we have sayamdna, Kh. 16 ; from cush, 'to dry/ sukkha-
mdna, Jat. i. 304 ; from vas, 4 to dwell,' vussamdna, Mah. 121 ;
from as, 'to be/ samdna, Kacc. 258. A contraction tnkes
place in sampajdno for sampajdndno from jiia, 1 to know,' Dh.
v. 293.

The old perfect participle in vams has almost totally disap-
peared : a few remaining traces have been given above, p. 80.

The past participle passive is formed by adding the termina-
tions ta and na as in Samskrit. These may be added to the
root or to the present stem with or without the vowel i. From
vas we have, according to Kacc. 291, vusita and vuttha, e. g.,
vpavuttha, Cariy. ii. 3, 2 ; parivuttha, Pat. 6 ; pavuitha, Mil.
205; vusitam brahmacariyam, ' the religious duties have been
fulfilled,' a locution very frequent in canonical texts, e. g., M.
v. 1, 18 ; besides vasita, Mah. 123, where we ought to read
pabbajjdvasitatthdne and aJhivatilia, Dh. 165, 341, 392 (adhi-
vuttha, Mahaparin. 23). Yromjhash, 'to hurt,' we h&vejhatta,
Mah. 146, Dh. 325, where the correct reading is cMtakajjhatta.
From pat, ' to fall/ we have patita but also patta in pattakkhan-
dha, 'crestfallen/ Mil. 5, Ass. S. 17. From icchati, 4 to wish,'
we have ittha (or yittha after a word ending with a vowel) and
icchUa, which is wrongly given as a separate article by Childers.
Dhd forms the regular participle hita; dhdta, Mil. 238, Gr.
301, M. vi. 25, 1, S. ii. 51, is most probably from dhra (see
M. 3S4). Somewhat irregular is khata for khdta from hhan,
' to dig/ Kacc. 296, and the participles with n, where the Skt.
drops it as b a n dh a = baddha, Kacc. 130; pilandha, Mil. 337,

PARTICTPLES.

125

from pi+nah\ randha= raddha, Mil. 107; parikanta—pzn-
kritta, Suttavibh. i. 89 (but parikatta, Mil. 188).

Participles in na are somewbat more frequent in Pali tban
in Skt. and in a few instances we find botb forms from the
same root, e. g., from da we generally have dinna, but also
datta in atffo=adatta, Fausb. S. K. 150, 153, Dh. v. 406 ; from
rud, 'to weep,' wre have rodita, Ab. 165 and runna or ronna,
Kb. 12, Das. 36, Jat, iii. 166, which is not an equivalent of
rudana as Childers thought. From U we have salMna, 'de-
pressed/but also sallita, Cariy. iii. 11, 10. Jya forms jina,
Suttavibhanga, i. 220, com p. Pan.viii. 2^, 44, schoh ; ca, sina in
samstnapatta, S. N. 7. At v. 30 of the same Khaggavisanasutta
we have samchinna, for which Senart Mahavastu, 6295 630,
gives the better reading mmchamia from chard.

From this past participle passive is formed a secondary
derivative by adding the suffixes vat or vin (the latter with
lengthening of the a). This derivative has succeeded in its
use to the lost past participle active in vams. Examples are
vmitavanto, Mil. 104 ; kutavd, Jiutdv% bliuttavd, hhuttdvi,
Kacc. 281.

The participle of necessity is formed by adding the termina-
tions tabba, tayy#=tavya, amy a, yd. These terminations can
be joined with or without the vowel L Examples with tabid
are frequent enough: jinitabbd, Dh. 101 ; metabba, Kamm. 8;
parijdnitabba, Dh. 151 ; pativijjliitabba, Dh. 259; pariydpuni-
tabba, Alw. N. 23 ; tutthabba, Jat. i. 4:76 — tayya *s, as far as
I know, Only given by grammarians. Amy a we have in haranrya ;
ya in sakkuneyya, Mah. 141, and in asamhira for asamharya,
Dip. 31.

12G

PALI GRAMMAR.

Infinitive.

The infinitive generally terminates in turn, n&rjantum, ' to go
sunitum, 'to hear,' from the present stem, Mil. 01; satfkum,
Ten Jat. 104 ; thutum, from stu, ' to praise/ S. N. 38 ; pnttlium
= prashtum, i to ask,' Parabhavasutta, v. 1; parimetum from
md, Mil. 102 ; jinitum from ji, Kacc, 310 ; nikhdtum, from
khan, Cariy. iii. 6, 16 ; from budh we have patisambuddhum and
suboddhum, Kacc. 8. Besides we have also the ancient vedic
terminations tave, tuye, and tdye, e. g., pahdtave, Dh. v. 34 ;
niketave, Jat. iii. 274 ; nidhetave, Jat. iii. 17 ; nefave, Dh. v.
180; with tuye, ganetuye, Bv. iv. 28; rnarituye, Therigatha,
165 ; with tdye, dakkhitdye, Mahasamayasutta v. 1 ; jayyhitdye,
Jat. iii. 226.

A curious form of the infinitive is etase from i, Theri-
gatha, 151.

Gerund.

The gerund is formed by adding the suffixes tvd (tvdna and
tuna) and ya. In Dhp. the use of ya is restricted to compound
verbs as in Skt., but later on it is also used for the single verb.
Before these terminations the root generally appears in the
same shape as in the infinitive. Examples are very trequent :
tvd in w^ya=nitva f inf. netvm); c/^t;a = chittva (inf. chettnm);
bhutvd =zbhuktva, Jat. iii. 53; gantvd—vpXsk (inf. ganturn);
jctvd=zy\,vk (inf. jetum). From dri^ we have the anomalous
gerund disvd, where the t is entirely lost ; dassitvd, Suttavi-
bhanga, ii. 64, should be changed into passitvd. Prom hd, 1 to
forsake,' we have the reduplicated form jahetvd, Dip. 56, and
jahitvd, Dhp. 85, 333 ; from stha, uttitthitvd, Dh. 335 ; upatit-

PARTICIPLES.

127

thitvd, Mil. 231. A contracted form is anuvicca = &n\i\'i~
ditva (comm. jdnitvd), Jat. i. 459, Ang. ii. 2, 7, Fausb.
S. N. xi.

Tvdna in passitvdna, Mah. 1(55; jahitvdna, Dh. 215; swrcz-
tvdna, Das. Jat. 33 ; jinitvdna, Dh. 286 ; chebvdna, Dip. 96 ;
vatvdna, Dh. 193 ; daditvdna, Cariy. i. 9, 26 ; pavakkhitvdna,
Maha^amayasutta, 3. From the Skt. we can compare jpitvanarii,
Pan. vii. 1, 48.

Tuna in kdtuna or kattuna, Kacc. 310 ; Suttavibhanga, i. 96 ;
dpucchituna, Therigatha, 165; chadduna, ib. 169; nikkhami-
tuna, Theragatha, 11 ; sotunam,' at the beginning of the Maha-
vagga of the Dighanikaya I. O. C. 69.

Ya in dhacca =ahritya (Skt. aharya), in dhaccapdda, '& sort
of bed/ frequent in the Vinaya ; a^eca==ahatya from han,
Mah. 45, Kacc. 302; upahacca^npahatja, ib., uhacca, Maha-
samayasutta, v. 3 , abbuyha from a-fbrih, Dh. 255; ni/cacca=:
nikritya, Suttavibhanga, i. 90 ; and most probably also patigacca
= pratikritya, with softening of the A;, comp. Trenckner, Mil.
421 ; paticca—^mtitya, but adhicca I prefer to derive with
Childers from adhritya, answering to Skt. adbarya. Cicca,
Khuddasikkha and sancicca, Pat. 3, 66, Suttavibhanga, i. 73,
most probably stand for cintya=cintayitva (comm. jdnanto)
From i we have anvdya, frequent in Dh. formed after the false
analogy of may a from mi; from grab, samuggahdya, * having
embraced/ Fausb. S. N. 152.

Sometimes the termination ya of the gerund is dropped and
the root alone remains, e. g., abhinnd- for abhifindya, ' having
known / patisankJid for patisankhdya, 4 having reflected/ anu-
pddd for anupdddya, Dip. 15.

In a few cases we find a gerund with double suffix combined
from ya and tvd, e. g., abhiruyhitvd for abhiruyha, Kacc. 129 •

128

PALI GRAMMAR

orjayhitvd for ogayha, Mah. 261 ; sajjhitvd from sad, Balava-
tara, 8. 58.

The suffix turn of the inf. can be used also for the gerund,
but this use seems to be limited to a few verbs. In the Pati-
mokkha we have a gerund, ahhihatthum from liar, which agrees
exactly with the corresponding Jaina forms puraiikaum and
gantum (see my Beitriige zur Gramm. d. Jaina Prakrit, p. 61).
From Rhys David's and Oldenberg's note, Vinaya Texts, ii.
400, it appears as if they wanted to identify this form with
those in tvdna and tuna like nikkhamituna ; we learn, however,
from Hem. ii. 146, that in ahhihatthum and the corresponding
Prakrit forms, the suffix of the inf. is used instead of the
gerund. A similar form, distinguished only by the loss of the
anusvara is ^W/m=drashtum, e having seen,' parallel with
disvd, S N. 73, Theragatha, 48. The corresponding Prak.
form is given as datthum by Hem. 1. 1.; but we have also in
Jaina Prak. forms without anusvara, as kattu and hattu from
kar and bar.

As an exercise for the student, I give the text of a
Jataka, with a literal translation, and complete analysis of
the words: —

valAhassajAtaka.

(FausbolTs edition, vol. ii., p. 127, ff.)

Atite Tambapannidipe Sirisavatthun ndma yakkhanagaram
ahosi. Tattha yakkhiniyo vasimsu. Td bhinnandvdnam dga-
takdle alamkatapatiyattd khddaniyam bhojaniyam gdhdjietvd
ddsiganaparivutd ddrake amkendddya vdnije upasamkamanti.
Tesam manussavdsam dgaf anihd Hi sanjdnanattham tattha
tattha kasigorakkhddlni karonte tnanusse gogane sunakhe ti

EXERCISE.

129

evam ddini dassenti vdnijdnam santikam gantvd " imam ydgnm
pivatha bhattam bhuhjatha khddaniyam khddathd " ti vadanti.
Vdnijd ajdnantd tdlii dinnam paribhuhjanti. Atha iesam
khdditvd bhuhjitvd vismmitakdle patisanthdram karontu u Turn-
he katthavdsikd kuto dgatd kaham gacchissatha kena kammena
idhdgaf atthd Hi pucchanti " bhinnandvd hutvd idhdgat' amhd 99
ti vutte ca " sddhu ayyd amhdkam pi sdmikdnam ndvam abhi-
ruhitvd gatdnam tini samvacehardni atikkantdni te maid bha-
vissanti, tumhe pi vdnijd yeva mayam tumhdkam pddaparicdrikd
bhavissdmd " ti vatvd vatvd te vdnije itthikuttabhdvavildsehi
palobhetvd yakkhanagaram netvd sace pathamagahitd manussd
atthi te devasamkhalilcdya bandhitvd kdranaghare pakkhipantL
Attano vasanatthdne bhinnandvamanusse alabhantiyo pana pa-
rato Kalydnim or at a Ndgadipam ti evam samuddatiram anu-
vicaranti, ayam tdsam dhnmmatd. Aiti ekadivasam pancasatd
bhinnandvd vdnijd tdsam nagarasamipe uttarimsu. Td tesam
santikam gantvd palobhetvd yakkhanagaram dnetvd pathama-
gahitamanusse devasamkhalikdya bandhitvd kdranaghare pak-
khipitvd jetthakayakkhini jetthakavdnijam sesd sese ti td pah-
casatd yakkhiniyo te pancasate vdnije attano sdntike akamsu.
Atha sd jetthayakkhini rattibhdge vdnije niddam gate ufthdya
gantvd kdranaghare manusse mdretvd mamsam khdditvd
dgacchati, Sesdpi tatK eva karonti. Jetthayakkhiniyd
manussamamsam khdditvd dgatakdle sariram sitalam hoti.
Jetthavdnijo pariganhanto tassd yakkhinibhdvam natvd " imd
pancasatdpi yakkhiniyo bhavissanti, amhehi paldyitum vatta-
titi " puhadivase pdto va mukhadhovanatthdya gantvd sesavd-
nijdnam drocesi : imd yakkhiniyo na mdnusiyo, anTiesam bhin-
nandvdnam dgatakdle te sdmike katvd amhe khddissanti, etha
amhepaldydmd" ti tesu addhatey yasatd, " ma yam eta vijahitum
na sakkhissdma, tumhe gacchatha, may am na paldyissdmd " ti

K

130

PALI GRAMMAR.

dhamsu. Jetthavdnijo attano vacanakare addhateyyasate gahet-
vd tdsam bhito paldyi. Tasmim pana kdle Bodhisatto void
hassayoniyam nibbatti, sabbaseto kdkasiso muhjakeso iddhimd
vehdsamgamo ahosi. So Himavantato dkdse uppatitvd Tamba-
pannidipam gantvd tattha Tambapannisare pallale sayamjdta-
sdlim khdditvd gacchatiy evam gacchanto va "janapadam gantu-
kdmd atthi janapadam gantukdmd atthiti " tikkhattum karu-
ndya paribhdvitam mdnusivdcam bhdsati. Te tassa vaoanam
sutvd upasamkamitvd. anjalim paggayha u sdmi mayam jana-
padam gamissdmd " ti dhamsu. " Tena hi mayham pitthim
abhiruhathd" ti. Ath* ekacce abhiruhimsu ekacce vdladhim
ganhimsu ekacce anjalim paggahetvd atthamsu yeva. Bodhisatto
antamaso anjalim paggahetvd thite sabbe pi te addhateyyasate
vdnije attano dnubhdvena janapadam netvd sakasakatthdnesu
patitthdpetvd attano vasanatthdnam agamdsi. Tdpi kho yak-
khiniyo annesam dgatakdle te tattha ohvnake addhateyyasate
manusse vadhitvd khddimsu.

Translation.

In former times there was in the island of Larika a Takkha
city called Sirisavatthu. Therein dwelt Takkhinis. These,
wheneyer a Bhipwreck took place, in splendid clothing, taking
soft and hard food, surrounded by female slaves, carrying chil-
dren on their hips, went to meet the merchants. That they
might think " We have come to an abode of men," they would
show here and there men ploughing and tending cattle and so
forth, herds of cattle, dogs, etc., and approaching the mer-
chants they would say, " Drink this rice gruel, partake of this
rice, eat this food." The merchants, unawares, enjoy what is
given by them. Thus having eaten and enjoyed, while resting,
they exchange friendly greetings. They ask : " Where do you

EXERCISE.

131

live ? whence do you come ? whither are you going ? on what
business have you come hither ? " They answer : " We have
come hither, having been shipwrecked." [Then the Yakkhhinis
say] : " Well, sirs, three years have passed since our husbands
went on board ship and went away; they must be dead ; you
are also merchants, we will be your servants.' ' Thus they
enticed those merchants with female blandishments, and lead-
ing them to the Yakkha city, the first men being captured,
having bound them as it were with supernatural chains, they
hurry them into the abode of destruction. If they do not
obtain shipwrecked men near their own place of abode, they
wander along the sea-shore as far as Kalyani on the other
side, and Nagadipa on this side, and this is their custom.
On a certain day, 500 merchants came to their city. The
females approaching them, enticed them, and bringing them
to the Yakkha city, binding the men whom they first captured
as with supernatural chains, they hurried them into the abode
of destruction. The first Yakkhini took the chief merchant,
the others the remainder, and so the 500 Yakkhinis made the
500 merchants their husbands. Then the chief Yakkhini in
the night time, when the merchants had gone to sleep, rising,
goes to the abode of destruction, and, killing men, eats their
flesh, ana returns. The others do likewise. When the chief
Yakkhini returned, after having eaten the human flesh, her
body was cold. The chief merchant, having embraced her,
knew that she was a Yakkhini, and thought : 4t These must be
500 Yakkhinis ; we must escape." On the morrow, in the
early morning, on going to wash his mouth, he told the other
merchants : " These are Yakkhinis, not human beings ; when
other shipwrecked men come, they will make them their
husbands, and devour us. Shall we not flee? But 250

132

PALI GRAMMAR.

said : " We are unable to leave them ; you go ; we shall not
flee." The chief merchant, having persuaded the 250 by his
advice, fled, terrified at the females. Now at that very time
the Bodhisattva was born from the womb of a mare ; he was
pure white, black-headed, munja-baired, possessed of super-
natural power, being able to go through the air. Rising
through the air from the Himavanta, he went to the isle of
Tambapanni, and having eaten paddy, produced spontaneously
in the lakes and ponds of Tambapanni, he went on, and thus
proceeding, said compassionately three times in a well modu-
lated human voice : " Does any person wish to go ? Does
any person wish to go ? They, hearing the speech, came near
with folded hands, and said: "Sir, we folk wish to go."
" Then get upon my back," said he. Then some got on his
back, some seized his tail, but some stood with folded hands.
Bodhisatta, by his own supernatural power, conveying all the
250 merchants, even those standing with folded hands, placing
each in his own place, returned to his own abode. But the
Takkhinis, when the time of the others had come, killed the
remaining 250, and ate them.

This story is another version of the well-known myth of the
Sirens, as was pointed out for the first time by Dr. Morris, in
the " Academy " of Aug. 27, 1881 (reprinted in the " Indian
Antiquary" for October, 1881,. pp. 292-3).

Atzte, * in former times,' loc. sing, of the past part, of t, 1 to
go,' with ati.

Tambapanniaipe, ' in the island of Ceylon/ =Tamraparnidvipe,
loc. sing., tamraparni literally means * copper leaf/ most
probably from the colour of tbe soil iu the island. Ceylon was

ANALYSIS OF TEXT.

133

called the ' Island of the Demons,' as can be seen from Senart
" La Legende du Bouddha," p. 272, et seq. Allusion is made
to this myth also in the Lalitavistara. p. 196, ed. Calc. :
Laghu gagane vrajase kripajato rakhasadvipam
Vyasanacata manujan tada grhya ksbame sthapesi.
Sirhavatthun (v. 1. °vatthu) nom. sing, of a neuter #-etem
About the locality of this fabulous town nothing is known
to me.

Ndma, nom. sing, of a neuter rc-stem.

Yakkhanagaram, nom. sing, of a neuter a-stem.

Alios i\ 3rd. pers. sing. Aorist of bhu or hu, ' to be.*

2WM«=tatra, ' there,' adverb of place.

Yakkhinlyo, nom. pi. of yakkhini, ' a female yakkha.'

Vasitnsu, 3rd. pL, aorist of vas, ' to dwell.'

Tdf nom. pi. fern, of the demonstr. pronoun.

Bhinnandvdnam^ gen. pi. of a bahuvrihi compound from
hhinna and ndvd, ' ship.1 Bliinna is the past; part. pass, of bhid,
'to break,' and the whole compound means ' shipwrecked.'

Agatakdle. Agata is past part. pass, from d + gam, ' to go,'
and kdfo, loc. of kdla, 'time/

Alamkatapaliyattd, a compound of two past participles.
Alamkata=zSkt. alamkrita, i adorned, embellished,' from alam +
kar. Patiyatta from prati+yat, 'to prepare, to dress.' The
whole compound stands in the nom. pi. f.

Khddaniyam, acc. sing. n. of the part, of necessity of y/'hhad^
1 to eat.' It means literally, ' that can be chewed,' i.e., 'solid
food.'

Bhojaniyam, acc. sing n. of the part, of necessity of s/bhuj,
' to eat,' means, in opposition to khddaniyam, 1 soft, or wet food,'
as boiled rice, etc.

134

PALI GRAMMAR.

Gdhdpetvd, gerund of the causative of \/gah, ' to take,' lit.
' to cause to be taken.'

Ddsiganaparivutd, nom. pi. f., parallel to alamkatapatiyattd.
Ddjfiyana, 'a troop of female slaves/ parwuta, past part. pass,
of pari-t-var, 'to surround.'

Ddrake, acc. pi. of daralca^ 1 child.'

Amkendddya. Amfcena, instr. sing, of amka, ' hip,' dddya,
gerund of d + dd, 'to take.' The whole means 'having taken
on the hip.'

Vdnije, acc. pi. of vdmjay 1 merchant.'

Upasamkamanti, iii. pi. pres. of upa + sam-f kram. 'to
approach.'

Tesam, gen. pi. m. of the demonstr. pronoun.
Manussavdsam; acc. sing, of manu&sa, ' man,' and visa,
' dwelling.'

Agaf stands in sandhi for dgatd, nom. pi. of the past part,
of d^-gam (see above, dgatakale).

Amhd ti stands in sandhi for amka iti. Amha is 1st pers.
pi. pres. of tbe verb subst. as. Iti is ge nerally used after a
quotation.

Sanjdnanattham} composed from sanjdnana, ' perceiving,' and
the acc. of attha, 'purpose.' It means 'for the purpose of
perceiving.'

Tattha, tatiJia, see above. The repetition is distributive,
• here and there.'

Kasigorakkhddini, &<m=krishi, ' ploughing,' gorakkhd, 'cow-
keeping ;' ddini is the neuter pi. of ddi, ' etc.' The whole com-
pound is an acc. dependent from the following karonte.

Karonte, acc. pi. m. pres. part, of kar, 'to make.' This
belongs to manusse and depends from dassenti.

Manusse, acc. pi. of manussa, 'man.'

PARTICIPLES.

135

Gogane, acc. pi. ' herds of cattle.'
Sunakhe, acc. pi. of sunalcha, ' dog.'
Ti=iti, see above.
Evamy particle, * thus.'
Admi, acc. pi. n. of ddi, ' etc.'
Dassenti, 3rd pers. pi. pres. caus. of dare, 6 to see.'
Vdnijdnam, gen. pi. of vdnija, ' merchant/ dependent from
santiham.

Santikam, acc. of $a + antika, 4 near.'
Imam, acc. sing. f. of the demonst. pronoun.
Ydgum, acc. sing, of yayw=yavagu, ' rice-gruel,' a fern,
w-stem.

Pivatha, 2nd pers. pi. imp. of pibati, 6 to drink.'
Bhattam, acc. sing, of bhatta=bhakta9 ' boiled rice.'
Bhunjatha, 2nd pers. pi. imp. of bhunjati, ' to eat.'
Khddaniyam, see above.
' Khddatha, 2nd pers. pi. imp. of khddati, ' to eat.' The long
a is the crasis, as in amhd, above.
Vdnijd, nom. pi. oivdnija.

Ajd?iantd, nom. pi. of the pres. part, of jna, 'to know,' with
a privativum, 4 not knowing.'

Tahi, instr. pi. f. of the demonstr. pronoun.

Dinnam, acc. sing, past part, of dd, ' to give.' The substan-
tive is understood.

Atha, particle, 'then.'

Khdditvd, gerund from khdd.

Bhunjitvd, gerund from bhuj.

Vissamitakdle, similar to dgatakdle, above. Vissamita, past
part, from w + cram, 'to rest.'

Patisanthdram, acc. sing, of a masc. 0-stera.
Karonti, 3rd pers. pi. pres. of kar.

136

PALI GRAMMAR.

Tumhe, nom. pi. pers. pronoun, 2nd pers.

Katthavdsikd, nom. pi. of compound from kaitha = butra,
1 where,7 and vdsika, 1 living/

Kuto=katSL9y whence.*

Agatd, nom. pi. of dgata, see above.

Kaham, interrog. particle, * where, whither.1

Oacchissatha , 2nd pers. pi. fut. of gacch, the present stem of
gam, 'to go.7

Kena kammena, instr. sing, of the interrog. pronoun and
kamma —knr man, 'business/
Idhdgatf = idha -f dgatd.
Attha, 2nd pers. pi. pres. of as, 1 to be.7
Pucchanti, 3rd pers. pi. pres. of pucch, 4 to ask.'
Bhinnandvd, nom. pi., see above.
Hutvd, gerund of AM or M, 1 to be/

Fi^te, locative absolute of the past part, of vac, 'to
speak/

Cfl, 'and,7 copulative particle.

Sddhu, neuter adjective, ' well/

^lyya, voc. pi. of arya, ' sir/

Amhdkam, gen. pi. personal pronoun, 1st pers.

Pi=.api, 'also/

Sdmikdnam, gen. pi. of sdmika, ' husband/

Ndvam, acc. sing, of wava, ' ship/

Abhiruhitvd, gerund of abhiruh, ' to mount/

Gatdnam, gen. pi. of yata. This belongs to sdmikdnam and
depends from tini samvacchardni atikkantdni.

Tini, nom. pi. n. of the numeral stem ti, 1 three/

Samvacchardni, nom. pi. of a neuter a-stem.

Atikkantdni, nom. pi. n. past part, of ati-f-kram, ' to go be-
yond, to pass/

ANALYSIS OF TEXT.

137

Te, nom. pi. m. demonstr. pronoun.
Ma(dy nom. pi. past part, of mar, 'to die.1
Bhavissanti, 3rd pers. pi. fat. of bhu, ' to be.'
Tumhe, see above.
Yeva in Sand hi for eva.
May am, nom. pi. pers. pronoun, 1st pers.
Tumhdkam, gen. pi. pers. pronoun, 2nd pers.. see above,
amhdkam.

Bddaparicdrikd, nom. pi. f. from pad a, 1 foot,' and paricdrika,
' servant.'

Bhavissdma, 1st pers. pi. fat. of bhu.
Vatvd, gerund from vac, i to say.'

Itthikuttabhdvavildsehi, compound from itthi — stri, * woman,1
Jcutta of unknown etymology, most probably synonymous with
the following vildsa, 6 charm, beauty.' The whole stands in
the instr. pi.

Pahbhetvd, gerund of the caus. of pra + lubh, * to seduce.'
Yakkhanagaram, the acc. to denote the direction, 4 to the
Yakkha city.'

Netvd, gerund of ni, ' to lead.'
Sace, conjunction, 'if

Pathamagahitd, from path am a, 4 first,' and gahita =grihita,
past part, of grab, 'to take.' The whole stands in the nom. pi.

Atthi, 3rd pers. sing., instead of the plural.

Devasamkhalikdya, from deva, ' god,' and samkhaUkd=$Y\h-
khala, 4 a chain.' The whole is a tappurisa compound, and
stands in the instr. case.

Bandhitvd, gerund from bandh, * to bind.'

Kdranaghare, loc. of kdrana, ' destruction,' and y/^m=griha,
' house.'

Pakkhipanti, 3rd pers. pi. pres. of pra + kship, ' to throw.'

138

PALI GRAMMAR.

Attano, gen. sing, of alla==atman, ' self.'
Vasanatthdna, loc. of vasana, 'dwelling,' and sthana, 'place/
Alabhantiyo, nom. pi. f. of the pres. part, of labh, 1 to obtain/
with a privativum.

P«wa = punar, ' again.'

Parato and orato, abl. sing, of para, ' further,' and ora,
'hither.'

Kalydnim and Ndgadipam, acc. of direction. Kalydni must
be the modern Kaelani on the Kaelani Granga, about six miles
from Colombo, where there is a celebrated Buddhist temple.
Ndgadipa is most probably identical with the Naggadipa of the
Mahavamsa (p. 46), which island Vijaya is said to have touched
on his way from Bengal to Ceylon, but nothing can be made
out about the situation of this island.

Samuddatiram acc. from samudda, 'the sea,' and tira, 'the
shore.'

Aniivicaranti, 3rd pers. pi. pres. of anu + vi + car, ' to wander
along.'

Ay am, nom. sing. f. of the demonstr. pronoun.
Tdsam, gen. pi. f. of the demonstr. pronoun ta.
Dhammatd, 'occupation,' f. a-stem.

Ekadivasam, from eka, 'one,' and divasa, ' day.' Acc to
denote time.

Pancasatd, nom. pi. of pahca, 'five,' and satam, ' hundred.
Nagarasamipe, loc. of nagara, ' town/ and samipa, * neigh-
bourhood.'

Uttarimsu, 3rd pers. pi. aorist from ut+tar, ' to cross over.'
Gantvd, gerund from gam, ' to go.'
Anetvd, see netvd, above.
Pakkhipitvd, geruud from pra + kship.
Jetthakayakkhinu ' the chief or first Yakkhinu'

ANALYSIS OF TEXT.

139

Sesd, noin. pi. f. and sese, acc. pi. m. of sesa, ' other.'
Vdnije and sdmike, acc. pi.
Akamsu, 3rd pers. pi. aorist from kar.
Rattibhdge, loc. to denote time.

Niddam, acc. of niddd, 6 sleep/ to denote the direction, de-
pendent from gate.

Gate, acc. pi. belongs to vdnije.

Utthdya, gerund from w^ + stha, 4 to get up.'

Mdretvd, gerund of the caus. of mar, means 4 to kill.

Agacchati, 3rd pers. sing. pres. of d+gacch.

Jetthakayakkhtniyd, gen. sing, dependent from sariram.

Manussamamsam, acc. 4 human flesh.'

Sitalam, neuter adjective.

Sariram, nom. of a neuter a-stem.

Hoti, 3rd pers. sing. pres. of bhu or hit.

Pariganhanto, nom. sing, of a pres. participle, from pari-f
grab, 4 to embrace.'

Tassd, gen. sing. f. demonstr. pronoun.

Yakkhinibhdvam, acc. * quality of a Takkhini.'

Natvd, gerund from jna, 4 to know.'

Imd, nom. pi. f. demonstr. pronoun.

Bhavissanti, 3rd pers. pi. fut. of bhu.

Amhehi, dat. pi. pers. pronoun, 1st pers.

Paldyitum, inf. of paldyati, 4 to flee.'

Vattati, 3rd pers. sing. pres. of vart, 'it behoves, it is
right.'

Punadivase, 1. of puna, 4 again,' and divasa, * day,' means, ' on
the next day.'

Pdto =pratar, 4 early.'

Ya for eva with the initial e elided after a long vowel.
Mukhadhovanatthdya, compound of muk ha, 1 mouth,' dhovana,

140

PALI GRAMMAR.

k washing,' and attha, 1 purpose,' the whole in the dat. to denote
the intention.

Sesavdnijdnam, gen. pi. used instead of the dat. dependent
from drocesi.

Arocesi, 3rd pers. sing. aor. from d + ruc, 'to tell.'
MdnusiyOy nom. pi. of mdnuat, the f. of mdnusa, i man.'
Ahuesam, gen. pi: m. of anna, formed according to the pro-
nominal inflexion.

Amhe. acc. pi. m. of the pers. pronoun, 1st pers.

Khddissantij 3rd pers. pi. fut. of khdd.

Etha, 2nd pers. pi. imp. of i, ' to go.'

Amhe, nom. pi. m. of the pres. pronoun, 1st. pers.

Paldydma, 1st. pers. pi. imp. of paldyati.

Tesu, loc. pi. m. demonstr. pronoun.

Addhateyyasatd =&rdhvLtritiyaqatah, literally, ' the third hun-
dred half,' a very common way of expressing the number 250.
Etd, acc. pi. f. demonstr. pronoun.
Vijalritum, inf. of vi + hd, 1 to forsake.'

Sakkliissdma, 1st pers. pi. of cak, 'to be able,' with the
double fut. suffix, see p. 110.

Tumhe, nom. pi. m. pers. pronoun, 2nd pers.

Gacchatha, 2nd pers. pi. imp. of yam, 1 to go.'

Paldyissdma, 1st pers. pi. fut. of paldyati.

Ahamsu, 3rd pers. pi. aorist of ah, i to say.'

Vacanakare, loc. sing, of vacana+kara.

Addhateyyasate, acc. pi.

Gahetvd, gerund of grah, ' to take.'

T&sam, gen. pi. f. demonstr. pronoun.

BMto, past part, of hlil, 1 to fear.'

Pal ay i, 3rd. pers. sing. aor.

Tasmim, loc. sing. m. demonstr. pronoun.

ANALYSIS OF TEXT.

141

PflHtf=punar, 'again.'
Bodhisatto, nom. sing.

Valdhassayoniyam, compound from valdha, ' cloud,' assa,
' horse,' and yoni, 4 womb.' The whole stands in the loc. sing.
Nibbatti, 3rd pers. aor. of nis + vart, 'to be born.'
Sabbaseto—a&rvaqvetsi, 4 all white.'
Kdkasiso, literally, ' crow-headed.'

Munjakeso, 'with hair like the- munja, a certain sort of
grass.

Iddhimd=T\ddhimRut9 nom. sing, of a stem in ant.

Vehdsamyamo, nom. sing, of vehdsa ==vihayasa, ' the open
air,' in the acc. case, and yama, verbal adjective of yam, 4 to
go-'

So, nom. sing. in. of the demonstr. pronoun.
Himavantato, abl. sing of Himavanta, 1 the Himalaya,' with
suffix to.

Akdse, loc. sing, of dkdsa, 4 the sky.'
Uppatitvd, gerund from ud+pat, 4 to rise.'
Tambapannidipam, acc. of direction.

Save and pallale, are loc. sing, of sara~ auras. 4 the pond,'
and paUala, = \)2i\va\tiL, 'the pool'

Sayamjdtasdlim, acc. sing, of sa#am= svayam, £ self,' jdta,
past part, from jan, 4 to produce,' and sail, 'rice.'

Janapadam, acjc. of direction. Janapada is a compound from
jana9 1 people,' and pada, ' place.'

Gantukdmd, nom. pi. of gantu, inf. of gam, ' to go,' and kdma,
4 wishing.'

Atthi stands for the plural. The whole sentence is a
question.

Tikkhattum=tr\s\ikritvsia, numeral adverb, 'three times.'
Karundya, instr. sing, of karund, 'mercy,' a fern, d-stem.

142

PALI GRAMMAR.

Pariblidvitam, acc. sing. f. of the past part. caus. of pari+bhu,
4 to surround. '

Mdnusivdcam, acc. sing, of the f. of mdnusg, 4 human,1 and
vdc, 'speech.'

Bhdsati, 3rd pers. sing. pres. of bhash, 4 to speak.'
Tassa, gen. sing. m. demonstr. pronoun.
Vacanam, acc. sing, of a neuter a-stem.
Sutvd, gerund of cru, * to hear.'

Upasamkamitvd, gerund of upa -fsam + kram, 'to approach.'
Anjalim, acc. sing, of a m. i-stem.
Paggayha, gerund of pra + grah, 4 to stretch forth.'
Sdmi, voc. sing.

Gamissdma, 1st. pers. pi. fut. ot gam.

Mayham, dat. instead of gen. sing, of the pers. pronoun,
1st pers.

Pitthim, acc. ofpz#M=prishtha, 'back.'

Abhiruhatha, 2nd pers. pi. imp. of abhi-i-ruh, 'to ascend.'

Ekacce, nom. pi. of ekacca=zeka,tya, (see above, p. 49),
formed according to the pronominal inflexion.

Abhiruhimsu, 3rd pers. pi. aorist of abhi + ruh.

Vdladhim, acc. sing, of a m. e-stem.

Ganhimsu, 3rd pers. pi. aorist of grab.

Atthamsu, 3rd pers. pi. aorist of stha, ' to stand.'

Antamaso, abl. of the superlative antenna, 4 the last,' formed
with the suffix cas (see p. 68).

Thitey acc. pi of thita, past. part, of stha.

Anubhdvena, instr. sing, of a m. a-stem.

Sakasakatthdnesu, compound from sa&#=svaka, 4 own,' and
thdna, 4 place.' The repetition of saha is distributive.

Patitthdpetvd, gerund of the caus. of prati + stha, 4 to
establish.

ANALYSIS OF TEXT. 143

Agamdsi, 3rd pers. sing, aorist of gam.
Tdpi=(d api.
i^o=khalu, c indeed.'

Annesam, gen. pi. m. of anna, according to the pronominal
inflexion.

Ohinake, acc. pi. of the past part, of aua-f-M, 'to forsake,'
with the secondary suffix ha.

Vadhitvd, gerund of vadh, i to kill.'